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No. I Page 

Volume III, with Index at end of No. 9. 

\ II. Introductory, by C. Ward, Esq., Secretary 5 

Historical-Geographical Documents, edited by W. F. Ganong, 
(4 s ) Richard Denys, Sieur de Fronsac and his settlements 7 

In the Days of the Pioneers, by Rev. W. C. Gaynor 55 

Exchange Coffee-House at St. John, by Lt.-Col. J. R. 

Armstrong 60 

Benjamin Marston of Marblehead, Loyalist, 

by W. O. Raymond, LL.D 79 

VIII. Introductory, by W. O. Raymond, LL.D., Secretary Ill 

Story of Old Fort Frederick, at Saint John, 

by W. O. Raymond, LL.D 113 

Historical-Geographical Documents, edited by W. F. Ganong, 

(5) Survey of the Magaguadavic River in 1797 167 

Founding of Shelburne and Early Miramichi, Marston's 

Diary, edited by \Y. O. Raymond, LL.D 204 

Founding of Church of England in Shelburne 278 

The Disbanded Soldiers at Shelburne 294 

IX. Introductory, by W. O. Raymond, LL.D., Secretary 299 

Historical-Geographical Documents, edited by W. F. Ganong, 

(6) The Destruction of Burnt Church 301 

(7) Foundation of Modern Settlement at Miramichi 307 

State of Madawaska in 1831, edited by W. O. Raymond, 

LL.D 344 

Report of Deane and Kavanagh on Madawaska in 1831 386 

New Brunswick Historical Society 


Lt.-Col. J. R. Armstrong, - - - - ' President. 

Rev. W. O. Raymond, ) 

Timothy O'Brien, ) 

Clarence Ward, ------- Secretary. 

D. Pvusskll Jack, ------- Corresponding Sec'y. 

H. H. Pickett, -------- Treasurer. 

George A. Henderson, ----- Librarian. 


Dr. P. R. Inches. Rev. W. C. Gaynor. Edward Sears. 

Jonas Howe. W. P. Dole. 


In addition to the regular work of the Society in collecting and 
preparing papers relating to the History of iNew Brunswick — the Society 
has been able to recover and place in position on Queen Square a valuable 
relic of the French period in our city. In making an excavation on the 
boundaries of the City and Government properties, on the Barrack 
grounds at Lower Cove, a cannon was unearthed, which, on being cleaned 
from the dirt and scale incrusting it, was found to be a piece of old 
French ordnance, authenicated by the Fleur-de-Lys in relief on the 
breech : and although no historical data exists to prove the fact, 
Tttight well be considered as at one time forming a portion of the arma- 
ment of the historical old French Fort, which stood on the Western side 
of the harbour. 

The Society re-imbursed the finders for expenses incurred in excavat- 
ing the gun, and by the liberality of the Common Council were enabled 
to have it suitably mounted on a carriage in keeping with its antiquity, 
and placed in position on Queen Square, where, on the 25th June, 1906, 
in the presence of the mayor, aldermen, the members of the Historical 
Society, and a large gathering of citizens, the gun was presented, on 
behalf of the Historical Society, to the City of 'St. John, by Lieut.-Col. 
•T. R. Armstrong, the President, who related the circumstances con- 
nected with its discovery, and gave a short resume of the events of the 
French occupation. His Worship the Mayor accepted the gun on the 
part of the city, and thanked the Society for its interest in the matter. 

The Society is also pleased to record that after considerable delay, 
arising from a variety of causes, the matter of erecting a statue to 
Charaplain is now on an assured basis. Through the generosity of the 
Dominion and Provincial Governments, the Common Council of St. John, 
and subscriptions of private citizens, an amount sufficient has been raised 
to carrv on the work. 

The Society note that the 20th September, 1908, will be the 150th 
anniversary of the first settlement made by English speaking people on 


the River St. John. It was on the 20th September, 1758, that Colonel 
Robert Monckton took formal possession of the territory bordering on • 
the St, John, and built Fort Frederick for the defence of the harbor, 
where he left a considerable garrison. Under the protection of the gar- 
rison a settlement was established at the mouth of the river by Capt. 
Francis Peabody and others in 1762, and immediately afterwards the 
Township of Maugerville was founded. The Society has appointed a 
committee of its members with a view to a suitable commemoration of 
the historic epoch. 

The lamented death of Alfred A. Stockton, D. C. L., M.P., while 
in the discharge of his legislative duties at Ottawa, is a loss that will be 
sensibly felt by the Society. At the time of his decease the late Dr. 
Stockton had in hand the publication of the Manuscript History of the 
"Judges of New Brunswick and their Times/ 7 written by the late Mr. 
Joseph AY. Lawrence, and left by the author in an unfinished state. Dr. 
Stockton's editorship and notes which he appended have added con- 
siderably to the value of the work. It has been published in instalments 
by Mr. D. Russell Jack in his valuable Quarterly Magazine, "Aeadiensis," 
and when complete will appear in book form. 

C. WARD, Secretary. 





Edited by W. F. Ganong. 

(Continued from Page 590 of Volume II.) 


In connection with a translation and reprint of that remarkably 
interesting Acadian book, Nicolas Denys' Description Geographique et 
Historique * * * et Histoire Naturelle de VAmerique Septentrion- 
ale, Paris, 1672, soon to be published by the Champlain Society, I have 
f onnd a number of documents, hitherto unknown, which throw much new 
light upon an almost unwritten episode of New Brunswick history, the 
efforts of Eichard, son of Nicolas Denys, to settle the northern part of 
New Brunswick. These documents, with some accessory matter, are 
given below, in a sequence mainly chronological, but partly illustrative 
of the biography of their chief character. I would have preferred to 
give them in the original French as well as in translation, but am pre- 
vented by limitations of space and cost. As some compensation for this 
Amission, I have on the one hand given the fullest references to the 
location of the original documents, so that the reader may procure copies 
if he wish, and on the other, I have taken especial pains to have my trans- 
lations accurate. To this end I have sought the aid for all of the diffi- 
cult legal documents of one who knows well the legal terminology of both 
languages, M. Phileas G-agnon, Keeper of the Judicial Archives of 
Quebec, and the well-known Canadian bibliographer, who has most kindly 
revised and corrected my translations. It is, furthermore, to M. Gagnon 
that I owe the possession of many of the more valuable of the documents 


(including the autographs of Fronsac and of Enault), for he not only 
called inv attention to them in the first place, but had them copied under 
careful supervision from the archives under his charge. In almost pre- 
cisely the same way 1 owe most of the remainder to Mi*. H. P. Biggar, 
author of important works upon Canadian History, who told me of their 
existence in the Paris Archives, and had them carefully copied for me. 
To both of these scholars I wish to make my grateful acknowledgements. 
I have made the translations as literal as possible, even to retaining all 
the involved phraseology of the legal papers, and have reproduced in 
every case the exact original spelling of all proper names. 

Nicolas Denys, the father of Richard Denys Sieur de Fronsac, was 
associated with Acadia, of whose history he was then a considerable part, 
for over half a century, from 1633 to 1688. I have given a full account 
of his life and work in the Memoir contained in the translation of his 
book above mentioned, and it must suffice to say here that he came to 
the country in 1633, established fishing and trading stations at various 
places on the coast, suffered heavily from the attacks of his jealous rivals, 
Charnisay, le Borgne and others, received, in 1653, from the Company 
of New France, a grant of the coast of the Gulf of Saint Lawrence, from 
Canso to Gaspe,* with the islands of Cape Breton, Saint John (Prince 
Edward) and the Magdalenes, and the next year, 1654, was given by the 
King a monopoly of the right to establish fixed fisheries throughout 
Acadia, and was made Governor and Lieutenant-General, with full 
powers, over all his vast grant. He established, himself, in that year 
at Saint Peters in Cape Breton, where he lived until 1669, when his 
establishment was accidentally burned to the ground. Financially well- 
nigh ruined, he retired to a post at Nepisiguit, which he appears to have 
established in 1652; but two years later, in 1671, he went to France to 
arrange for the publication of his book, leaving as lieutenant to command 
in his place his son Richard, though the latter was then "very young." 
It is with the assumption of this command that Richard Denys steps 

•It happens, unfortunately, as I have discovered, too late for making any 
change, that the type in which this paper is printed does not permit the use of the 
French accents. These the reader must supply for himself. The most important 
are the acute acent on the final e in Gaspe, Perce, Degre, Hiche, Rhe or Re, Abbe, 
cure, and in the e preceding the last in Gassee and Percee; the grave accent in 
pere, bibliotheque. Further the cedilla under the c has had to be omitted from 
Francois and Francoise. Garcon and most unfortunately Froncac. Richard Denys 
almost invariably writes his name with the c and cedilla, as shown by his fac- 
simile autograph under Document 9, but 1 have had to print it always as Fronsac, 
whir-h it is in some documents and which represents its best form in English. 


into New Brunswick history, and at the same time the series of docu- 
ments, presented below, has its beginning. Nicolas Denys remained in 
France, leaving Richard in command, until 1685, when he returned to 
Xepisiguit, and there died in 1688 at the age of ninety years. 

Richard Denys was probably born at Saint Peters, in Cape Breton, 
in 1654. He was, I think, the first Frenchman born in Acadia who rose 
to prominence in his native land. His mother was Marguerite de la Faye, 
who shared her husband's life in Acadia, and died a few years before 
him. Richard, no doubt, grew up at 'Saint Peters amid the primitive 
surroundings of a frontier post, in the company of Indians, hunters, 
fishermen and traders. This is the happiest life in the world for a 
healthy youth, and it prepared him well for the duties which fell to him 
when, at the age of seventeen, his father placed him in command of all 
his vast government. But henceforth, we shall allow the documents to 
tell their own story. 


The Commission given Richard Denys by his father, Nicolas Denys, as 
Lieutenant and Commander in his stead. 

This document, whose existence is made certain by references in 
later papers of this series, belongs first in the present list; but it is not 
vet found. 



A description, by Nicolas Denys, of the establishment at Nepisiguit, of which 
his son Richard took command in 167 1. 

After the full and accurate description of the basin of Nepisiguit, 
Denys proceeds : 

My establishment of Xepigiguit is upon the border of this basin,* 
a! a league on the right from its entrance: at low tide (even) a canoe 

*ln my -Historic Sites in New Brunswick" (in Transactions of the Royal Society 
of Canada, V. 1899, ii. 296; XII, 1906, ii, 130), where I have discussed the sites of all 
the early settlements of this region, I have fallen into an error (page 300) in sup- 
posing that Le Clercq's description of Denys' habitation upon a basin called Little 
River applied to Nepisiguit. As I have since found Le Clercq was speaking of the 
establishment of Pierre Denys, Sieur de La Ronde, cousin of Richard, at Bara- 
ohois in tbe western part of Malbav near Percee. 



cannot approach it. It is there I have been obliged to retire after the 
burning of my Fori of Saint Pierre,* in the Isle du cap Breton. My 
house there is flanked by four little bastions with a palisade, the stakes 
of which are eighteen feet in height, with six pieces of cannon (arranged) 
in bat lories. The lands are not of the best, (for) there are stones in 
several places. 1 have there a large garden, in which the land is good 
for vegetables, which come on there marvellously. I have also sown there 
the seeds of pears and apples, which have come up and are well established, 
although this place is the coldest that I have, and that in which there 
is the most snow. The peas and the wheat come on there passably well, 
(while) raspberries and strawberries are everywhere abundant. 

(Nicolas Denys Description yeographiqne et historique * * * de 
VAmerique Septentrionale, Paris, 1672, Vol. 1, page 210). 

■^ T 

/\k r epi5igbit\ 
_ Z/i?i_.__ .J 

Nap of 
Mortherr, Lfew Brunswick 
to shtw t~ht Settlements 4 
Richard Denys, Sieur 
cje Tronsac 

Scale JLii miles = J inch. 

an g chi 



*It is possible that Denys brought the name Saint Peters with him from Cape 
Breton, and thus originated the name by which Nepisiguit was frequently known 
until it was superceded by Bathurst after 1826. 


The site of this establishment at Napisiguit is placed beyond doubt 
bv this description in conjunction with local tradition. It stood upon 
Ferguson's Point (or Allan's Point, or Pointe au Pere), between the 
Tetagouche and Bathurst Harbor, in a situation now washed by the 
highest tides. I have given the evidence and traditions more fully in 
the Transactions of the Eoyal 'Society of Canada, V., 1899, ii, 300. 

It is some years later before the name of Eichard Denys appears in 
any document that I have been able to find. But in a decree of the 
Sovereign Council,* dated October 31, 1676, it is said that three English 
ketches, taking coal from the Island of Cape Breton, which belongs to 
Sieur Nicolas Denys, were captured by Michel Le Neuf, Sieur de la 
Valliere, who "was accompanied by Sieur Eichard Denys, his brother-in- 
law.*' The relationship between the two men is wrong, for La Yalliere's 
wife was Francoise Denys, daughter of Simon, and cousin of Eichard, 
as Tansruav's Genealogical Dictionary shows.** 



An Account of Nepisiguit and Miramichi in 1677 and 1678. 

A scholarly and appreciative Eecollet Missionary, Father Le Clercq, 
writes of them thus in his charming book. Though this book was pub- 
lished in 1691, he is describing a visit which he made in the above men- 
tioned years. 

Xepisiquit is among the most charming places that occur in the 
great Gulf of Saint Lawrence. It is distant only a dozen to fifteen 
leagues from Isle Percee. The land there is fertile, and abound; in 
everything. The air is pure and healthy. Three fine rivers which emptv 
there form a very-pleasing basin, whose waters mingle with the sea 
through a passage which makes its entrance and its opening. The 
Eeeollets of the Province of Aquitaine commenced their mission there 
in 1620, and Father Bernardin, one of those illustrious Missionaries, (lied 
of hunger and fatigue in traversing the woods on the way from Miscou 

♦Collection de Manuscrits * * * Quebec, 1883, Vol. I, 237; compare also Report 
on Canadian Archives, 1899, Supplement. 69. 

♦♦Curiously enough, the same error appears in another document, of about 
1685. (Murdoch, Nova Scotia. I. 168). One of La Valliere's sons was apparently 
named Fronsac— no doubt for Richard (Murdoch, Nova Scotia., 1, 178). 


and Nepisignit bo the River Saint John in Acadia, where these reverend 
fathers bad their principal establishment. The Reverend Capuchin 
fathers, and especially the reverend Jesuit fathers, have there exerted 
their zeal and their charity for the conversion of the pagans. They 'have 
built there a chapel dedicated to the holy virgin, and it is Observed that 
the one of those fathers who left this mission, left his hat above the altar, 
saying that he would return to fetch it when it might please him. This 
was in order to give notice that his Company had the right of estab- 
lishment in that place. The Sieur Henaut de Barbaucannes cultivates 
the land there with success, and harvests wheat beyond what is necessery 
for the support of his family. Monsieur Richard Denys de Fronsac is 
the Seigneur and proprietor thereof. 

(Father Chrestien Le Clercq, Nouvelle Relation de la Gaspesie, 
Paris, 1691, page 203). 

Tn the above document appears for the first time a man whose name 
is inseparably linked with the history of Nepisiguit, and of whom we shall 
learn more in the following pages, Sieur Henaut (Enault, Esnault or 

Father LeClercq then describes, in much detail, and with great 
literary charm, a voyage he made in winter overland from Nepisiguit to 
Miramichi. during which he endured great hardships, and came nigh 
to perishing. I have given a translation of this narrative, with notes, 
in Bay's Canadian History Readings (St. John, 1900, page 271), though 
1 am wrong in the location assigned to Richard Denys' fort, as will 
presently appear. He then gives an account of the winter (1677-78), 
which he -pent at Miramichi or Sainte Croix, as the river was then called ; 
and although he speaks often of Monsieur Denys de Fronsac, or of Mon- 
sieur de Fronsac. and of the "Fort et Habitation" (also called Fort Ste. 
( Jroix ) there, he gives no further description of the settlement, nor data 
permitting its site to be located. 

1 March. 1680. 

A certificate of the Intendant Du Chesneau concerning the nobility of the 

Family Deny*. 

The facts stated in this interesting document are confirmatory, so 
far as they go, of the account of the Denys family given by F. G. For- 


syth de Fronsac in his Memorial of liis family (privately printed at 
Boston, 1903). 

1, Jacques du Chesncau, Knight, Councillor of the King in all his 
Councils, [ntendant of Justice, Police and finances of Canada, Acadie, 
Terreneufve. and other countries of La France-Septentrionalle. 

Wb do certify to all whom it may concern, that at the time of our 
arrival in this country in the month of September, of the year 1(375, the 
'Sieurs Denis having told us that the Sieur Simon Denys, their father, 
had obtained letters of nobility in the year 1668, which had not been 
registered at the Sovereign Council of this country, because the address 
of it had been made to the Parliament of Paris, I told them that hav- 
ing had the honor of having been employed in researches upon the nobil- 
ity of the principality of Tours, I had obtained knowledge that the Sieurs 
Denis de la Thibaudiere and de la Baraudiere had been recognized 
as nobles, as descended from one of the twenty-four aldermen of the City 
of Tours, ennobled by King Henry the Third, in recognition of 
their fidelity and of the services which they had rendered to His 
Majesty when the Fauxbourgs of the City of Tours were attacked 
by Monsieur the Duke of M'ayenne, His said Majesty being then 
there, and that we had heard it said that the said Sieur Denis 
Alderman had a brother at the same time, Captain of the Faux- 
bourg of des Ponts de Tours, who, upon this occasion, gave so 
much proof of his fidelity to the service of the King, and of his 
courage, that His Majesty ennobled him, and did him the honor, 
having sent all his troops of his household against Mons. the 
Duke of Mayenne, to wish to be guarded by him and the company which 
he commanded, and that the said Sieur Denis had been interred in the 
Church of the Fauxbourg des Ponts de Tours, and that above the place 
where he had been buried, his sword and his arms had been attached, 
and that they ought, after all that I had told them, to make search fotr 
the said letters of nobility, which were honorable to their family. 

I\ witness whereof, we have signed the present Certificate at 
Quebec, the First Day of March, sixteen hundred and eighty. 

Du Chesneau, 

By Monseigneur 


(Judicial Archives of Quebec, papers of Henry Hiche : endorsed by Hiche 
as "Paper which has been deposited with me by Messieurs de St. Simon 
and Berfier, SO May, 1782"). 


There is na doubt some connection between facts contained in this 
document and the assumption by Richard Denys of his title Sieur de 
Fronsac. J Lis father, Nicolas Denys, never bore the title, although it is 
ascribed to him in many recent books. Simon Denys mentioned in the 
document was brother of iNicolas, and it was probably in consequence of 
these "lettres de noblesse" of 1668 to his uncle that Richard became 
Sieur. The earliest use of that title I have noticed is in LeClercq's 
work above cited. I presume the name Fronsac was taken from a place 
of that name in the Strait of Canso, near where Richard was born, 
which place was probably named in honor of Richelieu, who was Due de 
Fronsac, and a patron of Nicolas Denys' friend, Razilly, if not of Denys 

We may here note that while Richard's family name is commonly 
spelled Denis in documents of the time, it appears to have been spelled 
invariably Denys both by his father and himself, which form accord- 
ingly 1 have adopted. 

Under January of this year, 1680, LeClercq mentions a matter of 
some interest to our present subject. He says (page 95) that the Indians 
at Miramichi were then starving, but received succor from the French 
of the Fort of Saint Croix, where Madam Denis gave orders for the dis- 
tribution of provisions. This Madam Denis was, no doubt, the mother 
of Richard, who, himself, was evidently absent. In his book Richard's 
father speaks of his wife as commanding one winter in his fort at 
Nepisiguit, which shows that Madam Denys was a woman of capacity. 

It was in this same year, apparently, that Richard Denys, then 
about twenty-six years old, married his Indian wife. Tanguay's great 
Genealogical Dictionary gives his first wife as Anne Parabego, by whom 
he had two children. The eldest was Marie Anne, whose baptismal 
certificate, strangely enough, has been preserved. It is printed in 
Raymond's Saint John Fiver (St. John, 1905, page 141), and records 
the baptism at Jemseg, 25th May, 1681, of Marie Anne Denis, daughter 
of Sieur Richard Denis and Anne Partarabego, an Indian woman, at 
the age of four months. This would imply that Richard took his Indian 
wife sometime in 1680. Their second son was Nicolas, born in 1682, who 
married an [ndian woman, and perished with his three children in 1732, 
leaving his title of Sieur de Fronsac to revert to the family of his elder 
:•. who, in 1709, married Jean Mercan of Quebec, and left descend- 
ante in Canada. Richard married again in 1690. as we shall later nr«te. 



5 November, 1680. 

Order to Richard Denys from his father to facilitate the voyage of Monsieur 
Bergicr, prospective settler, in Acadia. 

We, Nicolas Denys, Esquire, Governor and Lieutenant-General for 
the King throughout all the extent of the grande Baye de St. Laurant, 
commencing at Cap des Koziers, and extending to Cap de Canseau, with 
the Isle de Terreneufve, Cap Breton, and other Islands adjacent to 
the said coasts, have given power to Monsieur Bergier, the elder, mer- 
chant of La Kochelle, to go visit all the coasts of la Cadie, commencing 
at Canso and extending to Port Boyal, the end of la Cadie ; and thence 
along all the coasts of the Estaichemins as far as Baston. The whole, 
according to the concession and confirmation that we have had thereof 
from his Majesty, dated the thirtieth of January, one thousand six hun- 
dred and fifty-four,* which carries prohibition to all persons against 
establishing themselves on all those coasts for the formation of a per- 
manent fishery, and for all other ccimmerce, without our power and per- 
mission, and without obtaining the right from us, under penalty of 
confiscation of ships and merchandise, and a fine, we having no other 
intention than to produce the peopling of all those coasts in pursuance 
of the intention of the King. 

We order Richard Denys our son commanding in our absence 
through all the said country, that in case he or his men should meet the 
said Sieur Bergier visiting all the said coasts to find a place which may 
be suitable for making his establishment, to allow him to go and pass 
without doing him any injury or hindrance, but on the contrary, to 
give him every aid and assistance, on the condition that the said Sieur 
Bergier shall be obliged to take his concession from us the year after 
his establishment upon our lands, under penalty of confiscation of ship 
and merchandise, with which the said Sieur Bergier remains in agree- 
ment. Three copies ccf the present document are made, one remaining 
in our hands, and the two others in the hands of the said 'Sieur Bergier, 
signed by him and by us, and passed at Paris, the fifth of November, one 
thousand six hundred and eighty. 

Denys .Bergier. 

(Bithotheque Rationale, Clairambault Collection, 1016, fol. 306). 

This document is of interest as showing, not only that the vast 
privileges granted Xicolas Denys in 1653 and 1654 were considered 

♦This concession and confirmation is to be printed in full with other documents 
in my forthcoming edition of Denys' work. 


by Denys as still in force, but also as illustrating one method by which 
Denys endeavored to people his lands in accord with the conditions of 
his grants. Bergier appears to have made the visit, but with a result 
not at all acceptable to Denys, for, 28th February, 1682, the right to 
establish a fishery on the coast of Acadia was granted this Sieur Bergier 
and others by the King of France, apparently without any reference to 
Denys, whose rights were no doubt considered to 'have lapsed through 
non-fulfilment of the condition of the grants. This was one step in 
the collapse of Denys' rights, of which we shall learn more later. 


21 February, 1682. 

Agreement as to arrears of salary, etc., between Richard Denys and his Father 

This document shows how completely the management of the affairs 
of Nicolas Denys had passed into Richard's hands, and, incidentally, 
the exact business relations between them. 

Before the Councillors of the King, notaries Gardenotes of His 
Majesty at the Chastelet de Paris, undersigned; were present Nicolas 
Denis Esquire Governor and Lieutenant- General for His Majesty in all 
the extent of the Grande Baye de Sait Laurens, Islands of Cap Breton, 
Saint Jean and others adjacent, to commence from the Cap ' de Oan-i 
ceaux as far as Cape des Hosiers, at present in Paris, lodged in the street 
and parish of Saint Mederic at the sign of the Roman Perfumer, on 
the one part, and Richard Denis his son, also esquire, and His Lieutenant 
for his said Majesty in all the extent of the said Great Bay, and in the 
said islands above mentioned also now at Paris, lodged with the said 
Sieur his father, on the other part; who have acknowledged to have this 
day settled together for everything which the said Sieur Denis the son 
has done for the said Sieur Denis his father, and for the services which 
he has rendered him in the said capacity of his lieutenant in the places 
and localities above mentioned, likewise for all the sums which he has 
handled and received for the said Sieur Denis his father, the whole 
during a dozen years or thereabouts in accordance with his commission 
which he had placed in his hands to this effect, with wages of eight 
hundred livres for each year, by which account the said Sieur Denis the 
father is held debtor and owing to the said Sieur Denis his son the 
sum of nine thousand six "hundred livres to which they have found to 
amount the said dozen years elapsed on the last day of December last. 


for all his said Wages, which sum of nine thousand six hundred livres 
the said Si our Denis the father has consented and agreed 
by these presents that the said 'Sieur Denis the son shall 
handle and receive in preference to all other persons from 
all his property and revenues winch he possesses in the said 
transfer necessary with every promise of guaranty to furnish and to 
make good in so far as it is in his power to do so, this present agree- 
ment thus made so as to remain released and discharged from the pay- 
ment of the said sum to the said Sieur, his son. Recognizing further 
that he has rendered him good and faithful account of everything that 
he has heen able to do for him in the said capacity of his lieutenant 
during the said dozen years up to the said last day of December last, 
releasing and discharging him, moreover, from everything in general, 
whatsoever that has passed up to the said last day of December last. 
And in recognition of the good and pleasing services which the said 
Sieur, his son, has rendered him in the said quality of his lieutenant, 
and for those which he hopes that he will render for the future, inasmuch 
as he is not (himself) at an age w r hich will permit him to go to the said 
places.* which it is that obliges him to send an able person and one who 
has knowledge of the said places, to his said government, in order, by 
virtue of his commission, to do and observe all the things it is necessary 
to do as well for the service of His Said Majesty as for his own indi- 
vidual interests, it is this which brings it about that he has, moreover, 
continued the said Sieur Denis his son in the said capacity of his 
lieutenant in order by him, in virtue of his commission which he has 
previously given him filled out with his name, and dated on the first day 
of January last,** to do for the said Sieur his father all the things that 
he agrees to do in the said Islands as well for His said Majesty as for 
the said Sieur his father the same as if he were there himself, and so 
to do that he will not receive any complaint, at the wages of a thousand 
Iivres a year, so long as his said commission shall last, to commence to 
run from the said first day of January last, which he likewise consents 
that he shall take and receive in preference to all others on his said prop- 
erty, and in the said places making him also, in so far as it is or may be 
needed, all necessary cession and tranfers with guaranty. 

For thus the whole has been arranged and agreed between ttie 
parties, promising and obliging each in his own right, and renouncing, 
etc., made and passed at Paris, in the office of Delaballe, one of the said 
notaries undersigned, the twenty-first day of February, one thousand six 

•Yet Nicholas Denys, despite his great age, did return three years later to 
Nepisiguit. as is shown by a letter written by him from that place in 1685. This 
letter is to be printed in my forthcoming translation of his book. 

**This commission is not with the other papers, and it was without doubt super- 
ceded by the one of later date, which is printed as the next document. 


hundred and eighty-two, in the afternoon, and. the said Sieurs Denis 
father and som have signed the minute of these presents, with the said 
Counsellors, notaries undersigned, remaining in the care and possession 
oi the said Delaballe one of the said notaries undersigned. Thus signed 
in the original on parchment. 

Del a Balle and Vallet with Paraph. 

Col la led with the original on parchment; this done, it was given 
back to the Sieur Richard Denis de Fronsac by me, notary gardenotes 
of the King in his District of Quebec, in New France, undersigned, in 
order that the said copies thus collated may remain annexed to the 
minute of contract of concession and gift made, and passed this day 
by the said Sieur de Fronsac, acting for the Sieur Denis his father, to 
MTessieurs, the Ecclesiastics of the Seminary of this city before the said 
Notary of the things mentioned in the same. At the said Quebec this 
thirteenth day of August sixteen hundred and eighty-five. 


(Judicial A rehires of Quebec, Genaple papers, with Documents 7, 9, 10). 

25 February, 1682. 

Commission. to Richard Deny* to command as Lieutenant for his father. 

This commission evidently was drawn to replace that of January 1, 
mentioned in the preceding document. 

We, Nicolas Denys, esquire, Governor and Lieutenant for the King 
in all the extent of the grande Baye de Saint Laurent, to begin from the 
Cap de Canceaux as far as Cap des Rosier s, the Islands of Cap Breton, 
Saint Jean, and others adjacent, have given the present commission as 
our Lieutenant to Richard Denys. esquire to command in our absence 
in all the said country that we have acquired from the Company of 
Canada, witli the authority for granting lands to all those who may be 
Villing to inhabit them and as much of it as they may be able to make 
of; moreover to make trade for furs with the Indians, in preference 
to all others on penalty of confiscation of ships , and merchandises the 
whole conformably to the Letters Patent of His Majesty of the thirtieth 
of January. 1 654, together with other rights and privileges mentioned by 
these said letters wbich he will cause to be observed, and will maintain 


there the authority of the Iviug in everything comprised in the said 
letters. And to this end we command all those who are dependants of 
ours, whether officers, soldiers, laborers, and all residents who are settled 
upon the lands belonging to us, to recognize the said Richard Denys as 
our lieutenant and to obey him in everything, just as they would our- 
self, under the penalties enacted by the orders of His Majesty. This 
is why we pray all captains and officers of his said Majesty to give him 
asistance in case of need, promising to do the same to them. In faith 
and testimony whereof, we have signed the present at Paris the twenty- 
fifth of February one thousand six hundred and eighty-two. 

Signed by our hand. Thus signed in the original : Denys. 
(Judicial Archives of Quebec, Genaple papers, with Documents 6, 9, 10). 



Petition for grants of land addressed to Pilchard Denys by residents of 

Isle Percee. 

This document bears no date, but that is fixed by another dated 
1685 in the same collection; it is a grant to Vincent Chateigne dit Les- 
pine, made obviously in response to the present petition. The original 
of the present document is the production of a very illiterate scribe, but 
its meaning is plain throughout. 

To Monsieur Richard Denis, Esquire, Sieur de Fronsac, lieutenant 
and commander in the absence of Nicolas Denis Esquire Governor and 
Lieutenant for the King in all the extent of the great Baye of .St. 
Laurant, to begin with the Cap de Canceau as far as the Cap des Roziers, 
ille du capbreton St. Jean and other islands adjacent. 

Petitions humbly Yincant Chataigner, dit Lepine, Kouel Boissel, Piere 
Egron dit Lamote. Piere Valleau, Piere du Lion,* living at lille perces, 
represent to you that for eight to nine years they have been in the said 
place of ille perce without having been able to obtain deeds for any land, 
although several representations have . been made to Monsieur Pierre 
Denis. Esquire. Sieur de la Eonde, who has always refused fhem, and 
constantly threatens to eject them from the said place of the i'le perce, 

*Further information about these petitioners is contained in document No. 12 
later. Boissel. Lamotte, Lepine and one Le Garcon are mentioned as residents here 
in the census of 1G86 (Murdoch, Nova Scotia, I, 172). T think it likely that Pierre 
Valleau and Le Garcon are on? and the same, (Valleau, dit "Le Garoon) for the 
next document gives Vallo and wife as a resident without children, as the census 
srives Le Garcon. Another paper in the Clairambault Collection (fol. 321) gives 
also Pierre Filtoupier and Jacqtie Poisel as residents in 1676. 


and to sei/.e their houses; this prevents them from working to clear the 
lands (ami) to sow grain with which to provide support for their 
families, which causes them a considerable loss, and keeps several per- 
sons from coming to establish themselves there and from forming a 
permanent fishery as at Plaisance, which obliges them to have resort 
to you. 

This being considered, Monsieur, may it please you to deliver deeds 
to your petitioners in order that it may be possible to clear the lands, 
so sow them, and to make the works and beach necessary for drying fish 
which they are in a position to catch (and) which they may be able to 
enjoy without being troubled nor disturbed, as in fairness due. 

The three residents make declaration, not knowing how to sign. 

Vjnsan Chatigne. Nouel Boisel. 

Pierre Egron. 
Pierre Dulion. 
Le Mert du dit. x 

(Bibliotheque Nationals, Clairambault Collection, No. 1016, fol. 333). 

Another document in the Clairambault Collection (fol. 329;) is a 
grant, dated 14 September 1685, by Eichard Denys in the name of his 
father to Vincent Chataigne dit Lespine, It was obviously made in 
response to the foregoing petition and implies that grants were made also 
to Egron and others. It is not here given because rather long, and out- 
side our present geographical limits. 

The mention in this petition of Pierre Denys, Sieur de la Eonde, 
with his apparent rights at Isle Percee, raises the question as to his 
relations, business and other, with Eichard Denys, which were in brief 
as follows: In 1671, the Intendant Talon,* acting, no doubt, on the 
presumption (if not under instructions), that the unoccupied lands of 
Nicolas Denys had become forfeit through nou fulfilment of the condi- 
tions as to settlement, granted to Pierre Denys Sieur de la Eonde, (son 
of Simon Denys of Quebec, who was a brother of (Nicolas Denys), and to 
Sieur Bazire, a large tract of land at and near Percee for the 
establishment of a sedentary fishery. Pierre Denys established him- 
self there the next year, and in 1673 a missionary went there along 
with Denys' family.** He established a fishing station at Percee vil- 

♦Collection de Manuscrits * * * Quebec 1883, I, 213. Or in 1672 according to a 
document in the Clairambault Colection (fol. 297), which shows that it was extended 
and confirmed as the Seigniory of Isle Percee in 1676. 

**Sulte Histoire des Canadiens Francois IV, 107. There is also much informa- 
tion on Percee in Le Tac Histoire Chronologique, (Paris, 1888), and other facts are 
in still unpublished papers in the Clairambault collection in Paris. 


lage, with a later branch at Bonaventure Island, built a winter residence 
at Barachois beside the basin there (the same described by Le Clercq, 
page 24), and founded two missions, one at Percee, and one at Bona- 
venture, served by Kecollet priests, of whom Le Clercq was the most 
distinguished. Nicholas Denys appears to have protested against this 
grant of his lands, but Pierre Denys was sustained by the authorities 

in France. (Letters de Colbert, Paris, III, 607). The venture 

"however, was unsuccessful, and appears to have caused the financial 
iu in of Pierre Denys, who was evidently involved with others. In 
1688 and 1689, as the following Documents will show, Richard Denys 
considered Percee under his jurisdiction. In 1690 the entire settle- 
ment was destroyed by the British. 


18 August, 1685. 

Grant l>;/ Richard Dtuj/s, in name of his father, of lauds for ReroHet Mis- 
sions at Restiyonche, Miramichi and Cape Breton. 

The following document gives the facts about a grant often cited 
in our local works, but not fully understood heretof on . 

Before Francois G-enaple, Notary gardenotes of the King in the 
Prcvostship of Quebec, in New France, undersigned, was present the 
Sieur Bichard Denis esquire Lieutenant for Messire Nicolas Denis his 
father, esquire, Governor and Lieutenant for the King, through all the 
extent of the great Bay of St. Laurent, in the lands of this country 
commencing with Cap de Canceaux and extending to Cape des Rosiers, 
Isle de Cap Breton, St. Jean and others adjacent, and Lord Paramount 
proprietor of the said country; being in this city, at the house of 
Estienne Landeron, the innkeeper, Rue Notre Dame in the lower town, 
which Sieur Denis the son in the said name and by virtue of the power 
to him given by the said Sieur his father, a.s well ^s by his Letters 
Patent, and commissions to command in his place in the said capacity 
through all the extent of the said country, dated at Paris the 26'bh. 
February 1682, and signed Denys, as by contract confirmatory of the 
said letters passed in the said City of Paris before Pallet and de la 
Balle Councillors o£ the King and notaries at the Chastelet same day 
and year, Desiring to assist the pious and generous zeal which Mes- 
sieurs, the Ecclesiastics of the Episcopal Seminary of Foreign Missions, 


established in this City of Quebec, have for the increase of glory of God 
through the propagation of the faith and the preaching of His gospel 
among the Indians barbarous people of the said country, has acknow- 
ledged and confessed to have given and conceded, as in fact he does give 
and concede, in full ownership forever without any obligations whatso- 
ever fco The said Sieurs Ecclesiastics of the said 'Seminary and to their 
successors, accepting hereof in their behalf Messire Henry de Berniers 
superior and Messire Louis Ango des Mezerets and Charles Glandelet 
officers and directors of the said seminary, with the agreement and con- 
sent of M on seigneur Jean Baptiste de la Croix de St. Vallier named by 
the King as Bishop of the said Quebec, as also by the agreement and 
consent of M'onseigneur Rene de Brisay, Chevalier, Seigneur Marquis de 
Denonville governor of the said places and lieutenant general for the 
King in this country, and of Monseigneur Jacques de Meulles Chevalier 
Seigneur de la Source Councillor of the King in his council and his In- 
tendant of Justice Police and Finance in this said country, the quantity 
of lands below mentioned, situated, in the said great Bay of St. Laurent, 
that is to say three leagues of land in front at the place called Risti- 
gouche, three leagues likewise on the River Ste Croix and three 
other leagues in the Isle du Cap Breton; the whole of frontage 
and an equal depth otf three leagues in each one of the said places; to 
enjoy the said lands circumstances and dependencies in full ownership 
from this day forth forever and to make and dispose of them by the 
Sieurs Ecclesiastics of the said Seminary their succescsors or assigns 
as things of their own, belonging to them and according as they may see 
fit, with the same rights and privileges attached to lands and possessions 
held by nobility, of fishing, hunting, water or windmills, and to concede 
the said lands to such persons under terms and conditions such as they 
may see fit; excepting only the right to trade with the said Indians, 
which the said 'Sieur Denys reserves solely to himself throughout the 
extent of the said lands here granted, as also the privilege of having a 
storehouse built for the said trade wherever he may see fit, in which 
storehouse however it will not be allowed to trade any liquor with the 
said Indians. This grant and donation thus made without any other 
obligation or condition except that of the establishment by the said 'Sieurs 
Ecclesiastics of the said Seminary of Quebec in each one of the said 
places granted of a Permanent Mission with a church or chapel, in each 
one of which there shall be at least one priest of the said Seminary main- 
tained and lodged at its expense to the end that the said priests miay 
there preach the gospel, instruct in the Catholic Apostolic and Roman 
faith and religion as well the said aborignal Indians and others who 
might join them, as the French who are there or who may settle there 
in the future, and there to administer to them the sacraments and other 
spiritual aid which they may need, And whereas it being considered as 
important that the said lands should be mostly suitable for the cultiva- 


turn of grain and other things for the particular use of the Indians, as 
one of the principal means for attracting them there and making them 
inhabit the said missions, in assigning to them the lands in the extent 
o( the said missions, it has been agreed by these presents that fixed and 
certain boundaries shall not be determined and specified for the place 
and extent otf the said lands until the Indians themselves 'have selected 
i heir own piece of ground on the spot provided they have visited and 
chosen the same between this and ten years hence; after this has been 
done by them, there shall be prepared a deed between the said Sieur 
Denis or other holding his place and the head of the Ecclesiastics, who 
shall then be upon the places of each of the three localities which will 
have been chosen, and of the boundaries enclosing and surrounding the 
several extents of them. Which act shall be brought and attached to these 
presents to be thereunto annexed to be made mention otf at the foot 
thereof and serve for the future as holding and bounding the said places 
above granted and conceded. 

For thus it has been agreed &c, promising &c, obliging, &c, 
renouncing &c ; made and passed at the said Quebec, with regard to 
the said Sieur Denys, son, as also with regard to our said Sieurs the 
Ecclesiastics in one of the halls of the said Seminary, in the afternoon 
of the thirteenth day of August one thousand six hundred and eighty- 
five in presence of the Sieur Lucian Boutteville merchant, and Rene 
Senard master-baker living in this upper Town of Quebec, witnesses, 
an I the said Sieur Denis, my said Seigneur de Saint Vallier, my said 
Seigneurs the Governor and Intendant, my said Sieurs De Bernieres, 
Ango des Mezerets & Glandelet with the witnesses above named and 
the notary, have signed 

le. m. de denonville. demetjlle. 

Dents pronsac. 
Jean de la Croix de 'St. Valier n. a. levesche de Quebec. 
H. DeBerxieres. Louis Ango. 

Charles Glandelet. Senard. 

BOUTTEVILLE. ' ' '"' name of the Notary omitted in the original) 

(Judicial Archives of Quebec. Genaple papers). 

From the above Document. 


In this same year, apparently, a complaint was made against 
K khan I Denys and others for taking furs claimed to be the property 
of a company established at Chedabucto;* this Denys did, no doubt, 
on the ground that the furs had been taken within his territory. 


16 October, 168b*. 

Deed of' Sale bij Richard Denys of his establishment at Miramichi to tlw 


This document will be recognized as one of the most interesting 
extant relating to the early history of the Miramichi. 

Before Francois Genaple notary gardenotes of the King in the 
Provostship of Quebec in New France, undersigned, was present the 
Sieur Richard Denis Esquire, Seigneur de Fronsac lieutenant for 
Messire N~as. Denis his father, Governor and Lieutenant for the King, 
through the extent of the great Baye of St. Laurent, Lord Paramount 
proprietor of the said Bay and Islands adjacent lodged in this town at 
the house of Estienne Lander on, rue Notre-Dame; who in consequence 
of the concession by him made in his said name to Messieurs the 
Ecclesiastics of the Seminary of this Town of Quebec of three leagues 
of land frontage at Ristigouche, three other leagues at the River Ste. 
Croix, with also three leagues in the Isle du Cap Breton, the whole with 
an equal depth of three leagues in each place, for the objects mentioned 
in the contract passed before the said notary the thirteenth of August 
one thousand six hundred and eighty-five, reciting among other things 
that since it is especially important that the said lands shall be suita- 
ble for the cultivation of grain and things for the use of the Indians as 
a means of attracting them and making them sedentary in the missions 
which the said Sieurs Ecclesiastics wish to establish, the boundaries of 
the said lands need not be marked and determined until the choice of 
them has been made upon the ground within the space of ten years, 
and an act passed in consequence ; the said Sieur de Fronsac finding him- 
self intending to leave the establishment which he has made at the said 
place of the River 'Sainte Croix to make another elsewhere upctn others 
of his lands for the art vantage of his business, and seeing that the said 
place is very suitable useful and convenient for the Indians of those 
parts and vicinity (as they have themselves testified to Monsieur Thury, 

•Murdoch, Nova Scotia, I, 168. 


missionary) has offer thereof for the said objects, to Monseigneur 
the Abb* of Saint Vallier, named by his Majesty Bishop of Quebec, on 
behalf of the said Sieurs Ecclesiastics, they paying him a sum of suitable 
amount for his clearings, buildings, fences and other expenses which he 
has had there. This my said Seigneur de Saint Vallier having con- 
sented to and accepted, the said Sieur Denis de Fronsac has acknowledged 
aad confessed that for the execution of the said contract and concession 
as to the three leagues of land which the said Sieurs Ecclesiastics 
should chose for one of their missions on the said Eiver Sainte Croix, he 
sells, gives up, cedes, transfers and relinguishes in full ownership of 
everything both now and forever, toi my said Seigneur de 'St. Vallier, 
hereto present and accepting for the said Seminary and their successors 
and assigns, all the buildings, clearings, fences, and everything that may 
belong to him in the said establishment by him previously made, with 
everything which can depend on it and be in the space of the three 
leagues of land of front and depth, which our said Seigneur de Saint 
Vallier selects in this place, as follows, by the advice of the said 
Sieur Thury, who has seen examined and visited it, and on whom he relies 
for the same ; and in addition to this all the utensils of the house, which 
are contained in the memorandum annexed to these presents and signed 
by the said Sieur de Fronsac ; which three leagues of lands shall be taken 
half on one side and half on the other of the said Eiver Ste. Croix and 
bounded as follows; to wit: that on the north of the said river the 
three leagues frontage shall commence at the Euisseau Corneille (Crow 
Brook), going upwards therefrom into the river called Muminagan, 
which empties into the said Eiver Ste. Croix, with a league and a half of 
depth on that side, from a line established north and south which shall 
run from the border of the said Euisseau at its entrance; and on the 
other side of the said river, the three leagues of land frontage shall 
commence at the same north and south line diametrically measured to 
that of the said Euisseau Corneille with the same depth (to the south) 
of a league and a half on the said line; which depth shall be bounded 
to the end of the said league and a half (on each side of the said river!) 
by another line running east and west, within the enclosure and limits 
of wlii cli compass lines enter and are comprised the tongue of land 
which forks the said rivers Muminagan and Eistigouche as they dis- 
charge into the said Eiver Ste. Croix, together with the islets which are 
in the said three leagues of extent along the said river on both sides; in 
which river the said Sieurs Ecclesiastics or their assigns shall have 
even' right of fishing not only in the space of the said three leagues, 
but also through the whole extent of the said river: for it has been, agreed 
that the said Sieur de Fronsac, on his own account and that of his heirs 
and assigns shall reciprocally have the same right in the said apace of 
three leagues as through all the said river. The whole to be without 


any obligation or other clauses or conditions than those carried by the said 
contract o\' concession. The said sale thus made in consideration of the 
sum of one hundred louis d'or French currency, which makes fourteen 
hundred and seventy-one livres, six sols eight deniers, money of this 
country, which my said Seigneur de Saint Yallier promises and obliges 
himself to pay to the said Sieur de Fronsac, or to the bearer for him of 
these presents, in old France, City of Paris, between this and the month 
of March next, at the latest. Disseizing and wishing, &c, attorney, the 
bearer, &c, giving power, &c. 

For thus it lias been agreed and covenanted. And up to the time 
when the said Sieur de Fronsac may have rebuilt at the place where he 
wishes i" start another settlement, he will enjoy the old kitchen and the 
storehouse where he formerly kept his wine, and this during three years 
from the present time. Promising and Obliging and Renouncing, and 
made and passed at the said Quebec, in the Chateau of this cit} T , in the 
afternoon of the sixteenth day of October, one thousand six hundred 
and eighty-six, in the presence of the Sieurs Aubert de la Chesnaye et la 
Chasseur, Lieutenant- General at Three Eivers, witnesses, who have, with 
our said Seigneur de Saint Yallier, the said Sieur de Fronsac and the 
said notary, signed 

J. de St. Valuer, x. a. Lecesche de Quebec. 

Lechasseur. Froinsac. 

Charles Aub^ut. 
Gexaple. Delachunw.t 

17 October, 1686. 

Memorandum of the articles which are to be delivered io Monsieut 
Thurv as soon as lie shall have arrived at the dwelling of the River Sie 
( Iroix : to wit : 

four tin dishes, two large and two medium. 

si.x tin plates of those which are not stamped. 

one pot and its spoon. 

a tin tankard ( ?) 

,i frying pan. 

six plain napkins. 

two tablecloths. 

sh dishcloths. 

one tan dish. 

a little kettle. 


the table which is in my room without its cover. 

all the boards which will be found made, with the planks, except 

the sheathing made of birch, 
twelve pots (half gallons), of brandy. 
two pots of olive oil. 
twelve pounds of pork. 

to have delivered to him, whether at the dwelling or at Nipisi- 
guit, the best of the boats which belong to me, with the tackles, such as 
the grapnel and the sails, and moreover to strike out the account that 
we formerly had together with Monsieur Thury. 

Made at Kebeeq this 17 October, 1686; made in duplicate, one of 
value and the other void. 


The 'Sieur degre* will deliver the contents of the above to Monsieur 


(Judicial Archives of Quebec, Genaple Papers). 

The subsequent history of this sale is, very happily, given us in a 
later document, Xo. 17, which shows that the purchase price of the im- 
provements was never paid, and that the entire property, grant and all, 
was returned to Richard Denys. 

The location of the Mission grant is, in its main features at least 
unmistakeable. I have discussed and mapped it in the Transactions of 
the RoyaL Society of Canada, XII, 1906, ii, 126, but with one probable 
error corrected in the accompanying map. The description shows that 
Ruisseau Corneille, or Crow Brook, can be no other than French Fort 
Cove, while muminagan is a form of the well-known Micmae name of 
the Xorthwest Miramichi, and UisiiQouche is a form of the Micmae name 
of the Miramichi, viz., Listigouchiche. But there is one inconsistency, 
namely, that if a line be drawn through the mouth of Ruisseau Corn- 
eille, north and south (even magnetic), a league and a half each way, 
and then other lines be drawn at right angles through its end, as the 
grant plainly requires, the resultant square would lie almost wholly on 
the north side of the river: whereas the obvious intention was to have 

*Michael Degre mentioned later under document 12. He was evidently in com- 
mand at Fort Ste. Croix during the absence of Richard Denys. Tihe final e of his 
name should have the acute accent. 


the square astride the river, so to speak. The explanation is suffi- 
ciently plain; fee river was assumed to run east and west, whereas, in 
reality, it takes here a great bend to the north. Consequently, the better 

bounds to assign would be those placing the grant about equally on both 
sides of the river, as upon the accompanying map, even though this 
must throw the initial line much out of its compass direction. 



Description of the Settlements at Miramichi h;j Bishop Saint Vallier 

In an aoount of a missionary tour to Acadia by the Bishop of Quebec, 
published at Paris in 1688. 

Miramiehv is a very pleasing place upon the river of M'anne, at 
a league from that of Sainte Croix. There is a little fort of four 


bastions formed of stakes, and in this fort is a house in which Mr. de 
Tronsac ( i. e. Fronsac) makes his residence. Near there is a place 
which is called in the langTiage of the country Skinoubondiche, and we 
have taken in the vicinity the three leagues whic'h Mr. Denis lias given 
us for our Mission. Mr. Thury who has resolved to make there our 
first establishment (which it is hoped may be followed by some othus 
if the funds necessary are not lacking us), after several general as- 
semblies of the Indians and several special conferences with their chiefs, 
has agreed with them upon two points which he considers essential, one 
to assure the support of those who may settle at that establishment, and 
the other to prevent the disorders whic'h must befall them through 
brandy. He has engaged them to clear the land of which he is in posses- 
sion and to permit that the Indian corn which will be harvested each 
year, shall be placed in a common storehouse to be later distributed 
economically by his order to the families which will have done the work, 
and preferably to the sick the wudows and the orphans rather than to 
the healthy and the young men. 

(Saint Ynlliei\ Bishop of Quebec, Estat Present de L'eglise et de la 

Colonic Francaise Dans La Nouvelle France, Paris, 1688, Edition of 

1856, Quebec, page 32). 

Bishop Saint Vallier adds much of interest about Miramichi and 
the plans for the Indian mission, but has only two other items important 
to our present subject. He repeats in another place (page 17) that the 
three leagues of land granted by M. Denis for a mission have been 
chosen at the River Ste. Croix. Again (page 18) he cites an experience 
of M. Thury, which shows that the Indian settlement, where he resided 
with the Indians, and the residence of M. de Fronsac, were on opposite 
sides of the river. 

A question of great interest here naturally arises. Where stood 
the "Fort and Habitation" of Richard Denys de Fronsac ? With the ex- 
ception of one point implied by the document next following, which shows 
that the fort must have been on the north side of the Miramichi, all the 
known evidence upon the subject is given in the preceding pages; for 
although much of the greatest interest about the place occurs in docu- 
ments still to come, they throw no light upon its site. I have given 
a gTeat deal of study to the determination of the site of this interesting 
establishment, not only through search in documents, but through per- 
sonal visits to all possible places; and the results are contained in articles 
in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, V. 1895. ii, 292, and 

new uhuxswick historical society. 

- ecially) XII. 1906, ii, L2§. But I am now convinced, on the one 
and, that m\ earlier conclusions as bo probabilities are in part wrong, 
and on the other, that the exact site can now he located with practical 
certainty. I have been misled heretofore by two considerations to which 
1 have given too much weight; first, I had the belief, based on the pre- 
ceding Document 10. that Richard Denys removed from his earlier estab- 
lishment to a second, and, hence, there were two sites to be sought on 
the Miramiehi ; but the document of 1690, later given (Wo. 17) seems to 
show rliat he 'had but one. Second. I have identified Saint Valuer's 
Skinoubondiche with Fskinowobudich, which is the micmac name for 
Burnt Church, and, hence, have inclined to connect both establishment 
and mission with that place; but the deed of sale of 1686 (Document 10) 
puts it beyond all possible question that both fort and mission were at 
the Forks of the Miramiehi, and hence, Skinonbondiehe and Eskinowo* 
budich are not the same place or else there are two of the latter, as very 

De Mevlles 

often happens with Indian place names. Marshalling "now, all of the exi- 
o in review it points thus- The deed of sale of 168G (Document 9), 
proves that the Fort was somewhere within the' granc to the Iiecollets, 
which covered the Forks of the Miramiehi as shown by the accompany-' 
ing map. The location of Denys' Seigniory of 1690, on the north side 
of ttie Miramiehi (Document 16), implies, even if it does not prove, that 
; t was on the north side; for, of course, the seigniory would be made to 
include the principal settlement of its owner. Now comes the testimony 
of the most detailed and accurate' contemporary map we possess of this 
region, that made by the Recollet Missionary Jumeau, who labored' 'on' 


this river, as we are told fully by Le Clereq. This map, of which an 
extract is given herewith, marks, on the north side of the northwest 
branch of the Miramiehi, at a point just opposite the Tickle at the western 
end of Beaubears Island, a nag, which is the sign commonly used on 
early French maps to designate a settlement. All considerations so far, 
therefore, unite to place the settlement at this place. Finally, the only 
other pieces of evidence we possess are fully consistent with this con- 
clusion, if, indeed, they do not positively support it. Thus, the one 
other good contemporary map we have, that of Franquelin-DeMeulles, 
made in 1686 (see the accompanying extract), marks, on the south side 
of the Miramiehi, west of the present village of kelson, a brook, R. de 
Mission. This agrees perfectly with the testimony from Thury, that he 
ministered to the Indians on one side of the river, while the Fort of 
Denys de Fronsac was on the other. Again, Saint Vallier says the Fort 
was on the Kiver of Manne, at a league from that of Sainte Croix. The 
Sainte Croix, as the deed of 1686 shows, was the main Miramiehi below 
the forks at the eastern end of Beaubears Island (though the name was 
also used more broadly than this), and Manne I take to be a form or 
corruption of Moolmunaan, or Moo/ntdtnakini, or Mumunagan, or Mina- 
qua, which are seme of the recorded forms of the Micmac Indian name 
of the Xorthwest Miramiehi. he Clereq (193), uses the name in the 
form Mirmenag.anne, and tells us he slept there one night, four .leagues 
away from the Fort of Monsieur Richard de Fronsac. A league up this 
river from the Sainte Croix would be farther than the point where 
Jumeau places the flag, for the real distance is only half as far; but, 
writing at a distance from memory, and with the usual tendency in such 
cases to round numbers, the discrepancy is insignificant in comparison 
with the positive evidence. I believe, therefore, that Denys de Fronsac's 
Fort and Establishment stood on the Northwest Miramiehi, on the north 
side, just opposite the passage at the western end of Beaubear's Island.* 
The general position of this site, as I know well from my personal 
study of it. is a most pleasing and advantageous one. Although on 
the Xorthwest Rivor, it is perfectly accessible to the 'Southwest through 
the little passage or "Tickle*" separating Beaubears Island from the 
mainland. The place is a fine elevated rolling upland of good soil, with 

*Therp is a local tradition, that this passage is artificial .and was made by the 
French. Thp maps' of Jumeau and deMeulles seem to negative this. 

; >v \IW BKl NSW1CK HISTORICAL society. 

a good bNfth, and the channel of the river comes close by. There is 
now m» pronounced point here which can be definitely taiken as the 
probaUc site; but as the shore, like so much in this region, is steadily 
being washed away by the sea, it is reasonably certain that the old site 
has now disappeared; This fate is also nearly complete for an old 
burial ground near by (at Boys Flats, just in front of the schoolhouse), 
from which many bones have been uncovered, as the bank has washed 
away <>r been removed for building. Though locally reputed Indian, it is 
quite possible this is the old Freneh burial ground of the fort. No 
i i-adition of a French fort here exists in the neighborhood, but this is not 
surprising, in view of the remoteness of its occupation, and of the many 
subsequent events, including the temporary settlement in this vicinity 
of some thousands of refugee French in 1755. 

In my edition of Nicolas Denys' book, I am giving an old map 
which implies that Denys had an establishment on the Miramichi, pre- 
sumably on the same site, at least as early as 1658; but nothing mere is 
known of it. 


1 688. 

Census by fit chord Denys of the residents of Percee, Restigouche, Nepisujuif 

and Miramichi. 

The date is not given, but is fixed by correlation of the mention of 
events of 1688, with the statement that Richard Denys was still com- 
mander for his father, who is known to have died in that year. 

The document, it will be observed, is one of the very greatest local 

The list of the residents who are in the Baye St. Laurent, that is to 
say, from le Cap St. Louis* as far as ille percee, and the names of the 
considerable places, the whole belonging to the said Sieur de Fronsac, 
commander for Nicolas Denys Esquire and Governor for His Majesty 
in all the Baye St. Laurent, as may be seen by his commission. 

That is to say ; 

♦Now Cape St. George, west of the Passage of Canso. The reason for the 
adoption of this limit, instead of the previously invariable Cape of Canso. is given 
towards the Hose of the next document. 


At Lille Percee there are live principal residents. 

The 1st. Is named Lespine,* from the land of Gascony and his 
wife, from Paris; he went there in 1678. 

7. He has children as follows; 3 boys, the elder 12 years, 

the two others 8 and 9 years. He has two girls, aged 
11 and 4 years. 

The 2nd. The second is named Boissel, born in the land of Quebec, 
his wife is from La Rochelle. He went there in 1679. 

8. He has five boys, the eldest 16 years, the others 14 and 

13 and 12 and 8 years, and a girl who is 6 years. 

The 3rd. Is one named Eichard, from the country of L'ille Dieu 
8. at La Kochelle, a man who has served me well, and 

whom I have had come from France, married to a 
widow who is from La Rochelle, settled in 1680; she 
had a daughter married who is dead, and she has left 
a little girl aged two years. 
She has no children by her last husband, but by the first 
she has 4 boys, the first aged 20 years, the second of 
14, and of 10 and of 8 years, and a daughter of 7 

The 4th. Is one named Pierre Vallo, who is one of my employees, 

2. who has served me 8 years, and his wife is from near 
Paris, who has served my deceased mother,** who had 
her brought from France, and has served 2 years; is 
established in 1683. 

The said persons have no children. 
The concession is in 54.*** 

The 5th.**** From Tllle percee is named Jacque, is from PHle 

3. Dieu at La Rochelle, his wife a native of Quebec, 
established in the spring of 1688. 

She has a girl aged 1 year. 

*0n this man, and the others, consult the important information given under 
document No. 8 earlier. 

**His mother was apparently living in 1680, as noted under document 4. 

***This appears to be a reference to the original great grant to Nicolas Denys, 
but why inserted here I cannot tell. 

****In the original Ms this 5th name follows on a later page, but very evidently 
belongs here where I have placed it. 


In the baye des olialleurs there is, to wit, a bouse and sfeosreliouse* 
as well for the French as for the Indians. 

100 The house belongs to Sieur Fronsac, son of Nicolas Denys, where 
i ndians I have seven men and a clerk, who work at the land and other 

There are of resident Indians sixty families, without counting 

the children and the old men, the unmarried and the old 

women and widows. 

The 1st. There are three residents. One is named Bouchel,** from 
Normandy; his wife is from Port Royal. They 
settled there in 1688 in the spring. All this family 
makes three residents. 
1 i>. He has 8 boys, wTio are well grown, the youngest being 

12 years; of his boys there are one or two married; 
and he has five girls the youngest of 8 years; one of 
his daughters is married and has two children. 

At Xipiziquit there are 3 residents who came there in 1678. 

The 1st. Is one named Esnaust from fcJauineur,*** his wife an 
6. Indian woman. The said person is a physician who 

has been in my employ. 

*0f this post at Restigouche nothing further is known. Presumably it was 
at or very near to Old Mission, or Ferguson's Point, on the New Brunswick side 
of the River above Campbellton; for there, tradition and place-nomenclature agree, 
was the original Indian settlement of Restigouche. 

**This Bouchel may be the Pierre du Lion (Pierre Bouchel dit du Lion?) of 
the petition, Document 11. 

***This is most welcome new information about Enault! Saumeur, now Saumur, 
is on the Loire some forty miles west of Tours, the birthplace and early home of 
Nicolas Denys. This very thoroughly disposes of Cooney's statement (in his 
History of Northern New Brunswick and Gaspe, 30 and 168) that he was from 
"Basque in the lower department of the Pyrenees." Cooney also errs in calling 
him Jean Jacques, for various documents, later mentioned under document 18, 
show that his name was Philippes, while LeClercq shows that he was Sieur de 
Barbaucannes. That he was a physician and had been employed by Richard Denys 
is also new information. That his wife was an Indian woman is confirmed by the 
Census of 1686, which adds that he was aged 35 in that year. Richard Denys would 
appear to be at least one year in error as to the time of his arrival at Nepisiguit. 

From Document 18. 

for Le Clercq clearly shows in his book, in the passage cited as Document 2, 
that he was there in 1677. Some additional important information about his lands 

'I 1 


He has for children, 2 boys and 2 girls, the oldest of 8 
years, and the girls G and 4 years 

The 'hid. Js one named Costard, from the Country of Anjou and 
3. his wife from Normandy. 

The said has one child by this wife, who is a boy of 9 
years, by her second husband; by her first husband 
she has 5 boys who are in service at Quebec. 

The 3rd.* Resident is named Pierre, native of Bayonne, his wife 
an Indian woman, established in 1678 after having 
served me six years. 
He has one girl, aged 1 year. 

Following the baye des chaleurs from l'llle percee as far as Nipzi- 
quit, although this extent is great all the lands are not habitable, which 
brings it about that these are separated from one another, but in the 
places where they are there can be placed in time several residents. 

At the Eiver Ste. Croix above mentioned. 

500 Miramichy is the principal place of my residence. I have 

Indians there a fort built of wood** with four bastions, where 

22 I have eight pieces of cannon, two of brass, four- 

pounders, and two of iron, four-pounders, and four 
other pieces, of iron, eight-pounders and good 
muskets with 12 men resident winter and summer 
and a clerk who is in command and ten men for the 
fishery for cod, who go- and come there in summer to 
fish the cod. 

In this river there are eighty wigwams of Indians who are 
more than five hundred persons counting women and 

at Nepisiguit will be found under document 18 later. Happily also yet other new 
information about him is available, for in a still unpublished Report of 1724 by 
Sieur L'Hermitte, (which will probably appear as the next number of this series), 
describing fully the coast from Gaspe to Miramichi, we read under Nepisiguit;— 
"It has been settled by one named Osnaud, a Frenchman by nationality who here 
married an Indian woman. When he died he left a number of cattle which have 
been scattered by his children and the Indians who have taken possession of them. 
His wife and several of his children are still among the Indians." There appears 
to be no connection between this Enault and the "Enau dit Canada" mentioned 
by Tanguay in his Genealogical Dictionary (I, 224). 

Enault's name has been spelled in at least half a dozen different ways, but I 
think we may well adopt as the standard form that which he signs for himself, 
viz. Enault, at the end of Document 18. 

♦This 3rd name comes a little later in the original Ms, but evidently belongs 

♦♦Compare this description of his fort with that contained in the next document. 


I have a storehouse from which the Indians and French 

get their supplies. 
There are three residents. 
The first is one named La Gassee, native of St. Martin de 

Re, l*a Bcchelle, and his wife from La Roehelle. 
He lias for children, 2 boys, the eldest of 18 years, the 

younger of 9 years; there are five girls, the elder 20; 

years, the other 16 years, the smallest 10 years. 

The 2nd. Is one named Michel Degre* who has been in my eer- 

2 vice 7 years, brought here from France, native of 
Paris, his wife an Indian woman. 

The 3rd. Is one named Lafleur, native of Port Royal, his wife, 

3 an Indian woman, settled at the entrance of the river.. 
The said person has one child who is 2 years old. 


These said residents include all from Cap St. Louis as far as 
cap de Gaspe; the reason therefor is that all the places cannot be in- 
habited and the foundation of the oolooiy is to settle on the border of 
the sea where the ships arrive in order to facilitate their little trade. 
All these residents recognize me as their Seignior, and pay me the 
rentals therefor. There are several places which are peopled by the 
Indians who receive their goods from me, and where I have storehouses 
for furnishing them with that which may be necessary to them.*** We 
have had Jesuit priests at our own expense for the instruction of the 
children of the Indians, and I have had Recollets for a length of nine 
years at my expense for the instruction of the Indians, but the bishops 
of Quebec have driven them from my rivers. I have received a priest 
from Quebec, who has been (here) two years at my expense but the said 
bishops have taken him from me also so that there wili be none here this 
winter, which makes a very great injury to our Indians and French. 


(Bibliotheque Nationale, Clairambault Collection,. No. 101i>, fol. 331-2). 

♦This Michel Degre appears again in the history of this region. He has already 
been mentioned, under Document 9 as the commander of the fort at Miramichi 
during Richard Denys' absence. On 3 August, 1689, "Michel De Grez, habitant de 
Pocmouche" was granted a league square upon the Pokemouche, on which I have 
recently commented in Acadiensis, VII, 15. In a grant to Enault of 1693 he is 
mentioned as having "retired with the English of Boston and married an English 
woman, although he was married to an Indian woman, and his marriage had been 
solemnized in presence of the church" (Trans. Royal Soc. Canada, V, 1899, ii, 
318, 319). 

**The total number of French residents then within Richard Denys' govern- 
ment, and all of whom he considers as in his settlements, as recorded in the- 
next document. 

***We have no hint as to the location of their storehouses. 


It was about this time that Richard Denys was taking an interest 
in the ever-burning question of the boundaries odi Acadia, for a refer- 
ence to a copy in his hands of a treaty bearing upon the subject has been 



A Memorial of Richard Denys describing his settlements at Miramichi and 


The document is without date, but that is supplied by the mention 
of his eighteen years of command, which he assumed in 1671. The 
next following documents seem to snow that it belongs early in 1689. 
It will be observed that it is a document of the highest local interest. 

To Monseigneur le Marquis de Seignelay.** 

Richard Denys represents very humbly to your Highness, that the 
late Xicolas Denys, his father, having the intention to establish a 
colony in Northern America, transferred himself to Acadia in 1633 with 
M. le Commandeur de Razilly. He devoted himself for some time to 
the cultivation of the land and to developing a commerce with France 
in lumber and fish. But his plans were interrupted by the death of his 
commander and by sundry accidents, among others by diverse indi- 
viduals, both French and English, who plundered his establishments and 
made him suffer very considerable losses. Finally in 1653, he bought 
from the Old Company of iNew France, a part of the mainland and of 
the islands Qf the Gulf of Saint Lawrence. This purchase was confirmed 
by Letters Patentes of the year 1654, and by a decree of council of the 
following year, 1655,*** of which a copy is annexed below. Also His 
Majesty by his Letters Patentes granted to the said late 'Sieur Denys 
the commission of Governor of the said country of which he was pro- 
prietor. He established himself at Nepigiguit in the Baye des Chaleurs, 
where he had a fort built; but his business having obliged him to go 
to France, he left in his place and as his lieutenant Richard Denys, 
his son and the heir to all his rights, although he was still verv voung. 

♦Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York, IX, 380. 

"♦Minister of Marine of France. 

***The important portions of the lengthy but valuable document are to be given 
in my edition of Denys' book. All of the facts here stated are confirmed by known 
documents, including the grants of 1653, the Letters Patent of 1854 and others, 
which are to be given in the book above-mentioned. 

38 \ 1. w IUU X 6 W IC R .11 ISTORIOAL SOCIETY. 

The said Richard Denys lias acquitted himself in this employment dur- 
ing eighteen years to the satisfaction of everybody, since up to the 
present no one has ever made anv complaint as to his conduct. He has 
also applied himself to make his establishments valuable, and to aug- 
ment I hat colony which the commerce in cod renders perhaps the most 
important* o\' all those which the French have established in America. 
He has labored during several years with little success, as much because 
he has not as yet received any salary or gratuities or assistance from the 
court, as many others have obtained, as because of the great expenses 
which his father lias been obliged to bear, both in prosecuting his busi- 
ness againsl those who have unjustly disturbed him in his establishments 
and also to satisfy his creditors. Nevertheless he has not failed to im- 
prove that colony and its establishments as Your Highness can judge 
for himself from the following particulars: 

Ten wars ago there was no other establishment than that' of 
W'pisiguit with 1? or 18 men in his employ and as many French in- 
habitants of all ages and both sexes, and with munitions and arms in 
proportion. Since that time he has every year increased the colony 
which now consists of 72 French residents of both sexes, to whom he 
has granted lands partly cleared. He has made them advances to 
enable them to settle; he furnishes them from his storehouses with the 
provisions and goods of which they have need, and they are very well 
content with him. There are further 31 French in his service to all 
of whom he pays considerable wages, and who are workmen, fishermen 
and farmers, that is to say eight in his establishment in Baye des Chaleurs 
and 23 in that at the river Miramichi or Sainte Croix. He permits 
them all to marry, as seyeral of them have done; but he treats them so 
well that there are some who are unwilling to leave him, and who have 
been in his service for 10 years. He expects to bring there 14 or 15 
more, both to replace those who have married and to fortify his estab- 
lishments. He has built a fort of four bastions fortified with 10 pieces 
of cannon of which four are r«f brass and G of iron, with the necessary 
balls 16 hundred-weight of powder and in all 200 guns or muskets. 
He has had built for himself a house of freestone,** and he has also had 
anotber commenced for his men. He has seated two villages of Indians 
near his establishments, one in the Baye des Chaleurs of 60 families and 
about 400 sonls, the other at Miramichy of 80 wigwams or families of 

*He evidently refers here to Perce, the centre of the most important cod-fishery 
of the Gulf of Saint Lawrence. 

**This house of freestone I am not likely to forget, for I have used it mucih as 
a clue in my search for the site of the Fort. 


500 souls.* Thus bia eoneeseion is peopled by 103 French** and 900 

Indians, to whom he furnishes all necessities temporal and spiritual, 
having always maintained monks or priests at his own expense. Four 
years ago he began to cultivate the land by hand, and it already produces 
a part of his grain, vegetables, fruits, grass and other things which he 
requires. He expects this year to work it with oxen, and he has bought 
everything necessary for building a water-mill on his return. Finally 
he has successfully commenced the establishment of a fixed fishery, 
which he expects to increase every year.*** 

But as he has surmounted the greater difficulties which are always 
found in the beginnings, he hopes to strengthen this colony doubly in 
two or three years, as he will show you, Monseigneur, by faithful verifi- 
cations, provided he is not troubled for the future in his grant and that 
he may be favored by the protection of Your Highness. The death of 
hie father, who died last year at the age of nearly 90 years, has obliged 
him to come to France to entreat you to be willing to obtain confirma- 
tion of his grant and commission frcm his late father, or as commandant 
for the King under the authority of the Governor General of New 
France through the extent of his grant from Cape Saint Louis as far 
as Isle Percee. He has exercised this office during eighteen years with- 
• ut any complaint and without any salary or gratuities. This com- 
mission is necessary to enable him to. maintain union and order in this 
colony, and that he may train and assemble the residents and Indians 
when there shall be need thereof to defend himself against the enemies 
of the state or against pirates. One cannot on these occasions have re- 
c arse to Sieur de Meneval, who lives in a place 150 leagues distant 
and where his presence is necessary; nor can this commission be given 
to any other except your petitioner without a large salary or without 
it being a burden on the settlers, by whom the said petitioner is beloved, 
as lie is also by the Indians, among whom he lias been brought up and 

*This reference to the Indian villages, one of which was at Restigouche. in 
conjunction with other suggestions in this and the preceding document, show that 
at this time he had abandoned his old establishment at Nepisiguit, which I sus- 
pect he did on the death of his father the preceding year. It will be noted, in 
the preceding Document, that the new establishment at Restigouche had been 
founded in that year, 1688. 

It may be of interest to add here that a prominent mountain on the Nepisiguit 
River has been named Fronsac in his honor, and another near by is named Denys 
for his father (Bulletin of the Natural History Society of New Brunswick, Vol. 
IV, 1899, 255). 

**As the preceding document will show, he counts the French throughout all 
his government, including Perce, to give this number. But it is new knowledge 
that there were so many French inhabitants in this region at that time. 

***It is quite likely that Richard Denys had the establishment at Portage 
Island for a cod fishery and for walrus, which is ascribed by Cooney to EnaultCpage 
30). I am told by Mr. Daniel Lewis of Escuminac, who is well versed in the history 
of that section, that the old French there had in his boyhood traditions of "Old 
Denys," who may however have been the father. Nicolas. 


whoso language he knows perfectly. He has endured without murmur 
mat, without giving him any recompense, there has been taken away from 
the grant bought by his father the lands near the passage of Canso.* 
He is in a position to make valuable the lands which remain to him. 
This favor will stimulate him to render himself worthy, by his services 
and by his good conduct, to obtain new ones; and he will pray God all 
his life for the health and prosperity of Your Highness. 

(Bibliotheque nationale, Clair ami emit Collection, Fol 624; also 
Archives du Minister e de la Marine, Correspondance Generate, Ameri- 
que du Nord, Acadie, 1686-1695, T. 2, p. 108; copy in Canadian Ar- 
chives, Series F, Vol. 114, p. 223; a translation, under signature 
" Historic us/' appeared in the St. John Daily Sun of Jan. 16, 1883). 

This memorial of Eichard Denys shows an extent oi settlement, 
and an activity in business development far beyond anything we have 
been accustomed to attribute to that period of the History of New Bruns- 
wick. It must be remembered that at this time there were only a scat- 
tered score or so* of settlers on the 'Saint John and at Passamaquoddy, 
while the only settlement of any account in or near the present New 
Brunswick w r as at Chignecto, where the rich marsh lands had 
attracted a population of a few score Acadians. In view of the 
great difficulties of the situation, viz., the well-known reluctance of 
Frenchmen to emigrate to Canada, the uncertainty as to land-titles, the 
risks, through war and temptest, of trade across the sea, the fact that 
Eichard Denys should have built up these considerable establishments 
is a great tribute to his energy and his business ability. Indeed the 
magnitude of this achievement under the circumstances is witnessed 
by the completeness of the collapse of his settlements after his death 
in 1691, a matter to be considered further below. 



Statement of requests made bij Richard Deity* of th* French Government. 

This document is without date or name of writer, but it follows im- 
mediately after the Memorial of 1689. the preceding document, in the 

•This is a reference, probably, to the grant of Cape Breton, the Magdalenes 
and Jslf- Saint John to Bergier, Gautier and others in May 1686, though it may 
refer to grants of 1684 or 1682 to the same company, (Murdoch, Nova Scotia, I, 159, 
162, 166). None of these however appear to have covered the coast as far as Cape 
Saint L,ouis (now Cape St. George), which Denys had come to consider as the 
limit of his claim in 1688, as shown by the preceding document. 


Clairambault collection, and plainly is a memorandum of some official 
relating thereto. 

The Sieur Denis asks three things. With respect to his government, 
the most useful thing for him and the colony will be to grant it to him, 
in the manner that his father and "himself have enjoyed up to the present, 
under the dependence of the governor-general of New France; this has 
not up to the present caused any complaint or any disorder. But if 
the court finds that too difficult, he asks the command of arms, justice 
and police as he has exercised it heretofore in the extent of his grant 
from Cape Saint Louis as far as Isle Percee, something which is so 
much the more necessary since Monseigneur de Menneval cannot, during 
the six months of winter go to visit that colony nor can the residents 
have recourse to him. 

2. As seems to be meant in his letters, that he shall be allowed to 
make all the trade that he has been accustomed to make in that country, 
throughout the extent of his grant as has been done hitherto. 

3. That the commander of the ship which the King shall send into 
la Cadie or Canada shall have orders to take on board and transport at 
the expense of the King the men whom the Sieur Denys would wish to 
have taken to his grant, or into places the nearest thereto that may be 

(Bibliotheque nationale, Clairambault Collection, No. 1016 fol. 334). 

Two folios later in the Clairambault collection occurs the following 
note which undoubtedly refers to the preceding papers and hence helps 
to fix their dates as early in 1689. 

T send yon Sir the copies of the Memoirs which you have had the 
goodness to prepare upon the merits of the business of Monsieur Denis. 
T propose to go on Friday to Versailles, where I shall have the honor to 
see Monsieur de la Touche and to confer with him upon the plan for a 
grant which you have given me. I shall not fail to inform you promptly 
of whatever may pass. Believe me, if you will 'Sir with all the compli- 
ments and esteem possible, your verv humble and verv obedient servant, 
Duchesne. The 16th March 1689. 

(Bibliotheque nationale, Clairambault Collection, No. 1016, fol. 337). 

There is nothing to show directly the results of Richard Denys' 
appeal to the Marquis de Seignelav, but, presumably, he was appointed 
to command for the King through the extent of hip old government, 


for in the next document, which undoubtedly belongs later than his 
memorial, he calls himself "'commander in the Baye of Saint Laurent, 
Miramichi and Ristioouhe (Restigouche), Baye des Chaleurs." This is 
no doubt the origin of the statement made in some historical writings 
thai Richard Denys was Governor of Gaspe.* 



Request from Richard Denys for permission to sail from France to Acadia 

with an Irish crew. 

This document is without date, which however is fixed by the refer- 
ence to the war with Holland as in 1689, and it must have been before 
; May when war was declared between France and England. Eichard 

I lenys was in France with his Memorial early in that year, and he was 
married in Quebec in October of the same year, whence I infer that 
this document relates to the manner of his return to Canada in the early 
summer of 1689. The safety in taking an Irish crew under the English 
flag is explained by the fact that at that time King James II. was in 
Ireland with the support of French arms, and there was constant com- 
munication back and forth. Though Holland was at war with France, 
she was at peace with England. 

Nothing further is known of the connection of Daniel Masson with 

I I i chard Denys. 

In pursuance of the intentions of His Majesty, we, Daniel Masson, 
citizen of St. Martin de Ehe and I, Eichard Denys Esquire Sieur de 
Pronsac, commander in the Bay of St. Laurent, Miramychy and Eisti- 
couhc. Baye dos Chaleurs, having represented to the Sieur Masson the 
advantages and profits which can be made in the fishery for salmon, he 
bas wished to associate himself with me as much for the said fishery for 
-mIihoii and other fish, as for the support of the colonies which are es- 
tablished in the country of the said Sieur de Fronsae, and also to carry 
there munitions of war and merchandise according as the Sieur de 
Fronsae may judge proper for the subsistence of the forts and estah- 

*Sulte. Histoire des Canadiens Francois, V. 106. The statement is interpolated 
in a letter of 1(585, but appears to be Suite's addition. 


lishments. which are under the command of the Sieur de Fronsac, ami 
to facilitate our enterprise. We ASK of Monseigneur le Marquis de 
Seneley that he will permit us to send the vessel called the Change of 
St. Martin of the burden of 80 tons or thereabouts, by which may we 
he permitted to take as master of the said ship, Eobert Sauvage, of Saint 
Man in with a crew of Irishmen with which it will be permitted them 
bo carry the English Hag for the safety of the said vessel and of our 
property, on account of the war which we have with Holland, with power 
to go trade in the Island of Xewfoundland and Bay of Plaisances with- 
out i ur having to experience any hindrance by any of our subjects. 

Denys Froxsac. 

The crew Mill consist of twelve Irishmen, and we shall take no 
Frenchmen for fear of being surprised by our enemies. 

(Bibliotheque nationale, Clair arnbault Collection, No. 1016, fol. 623). 

On 15 October, of this same year, 1689, Eichard Denys married, at 
Quebec. Francoise Cailteau, as Tanguay in his Dictionnaire G-eneo- 
logique informs us. They had one son .Louis, born 31st October, 1690, 
of whom Tanguay adds (Vol. Ill, 343), that in 1707 and 1708 he was 
a boarder (pensionnaire) at the house of Messire Le Blond, cure c<f 
Three Rivers. As no other mention of him again occurs, he probably 
died young. We shall learn more of Francoise Cailteau Denys later 
under document 19. 

In his marriage certificate, given by Tanguay, Richard Denys is 
designated Captain of the Guards of Frontenac. 

18 April, 1690. 

Decree of the Intend ent Champigny locating and hounding a seigniory, 
granted Xicolas Denys April 17, 1687, at Miramichi 

*Jean Bochart, Chevalier, Seigneur de Champigny Noroy and 
Verneuil, Councillor of the King in his Councils, Intendant of justice 
Police and Finances in Canada, Acadie, Isle de Terreneuve and other 

*For this document I am indebted to the kind interest and aid of Dr. N. E. 
Dionne. Librarian of the Legislative Library at Quebec. Dr. Dionne has also 
searched but in vain for the earlier decree. 


countries o( La France Septentrionale, Commissioner deputized to carry 
out the Decree of the Council of the King of the seventeenth of April 
Biiteen hundred and eighty-seven. 

IN ACCORD WITH THE SAID DECREE, and the commission abs- 
tained i hereon the same day addressed to us, by which we are ordered 
to locate and bound to the Sieur Nicolas Denys an extent of land rated 
equal 10 the largest concessions granted in this country, on the conditions 
therein carried, WE, conformably to the said decree, and having heard 
the Sieur Richard Denys de Fronsac, son of the said Nicolas and acting 
for him, HAVE located and bounded the concession of the said Nicolas 
Denys at fifteen leagues of front upon fifteen leagues of depth at the 
place railed Miramiehy in Acadie, to commence from the Eiviere aux 
TruitTes, the same included, one league extending towards the southeast 
and the other fourteen leagues to the northwest with the points islands 
and islets which will be found in the said fifteen leagues of frontage, on 
condition that he shall clear it, to wit, one- third in three years, to com- 
mence from this day, and the remainder in the three following years, in 
default of which and the said time having expired, he will remain 
deprived of it, and the said domain will be reunited to the domain of 
His Majesty to be disposed of according to his will. WE MAKE pro- 
hibition to these Denys against exercising any right of trade or fishing 
in any of the places and localities of the said country whether by sea 
or by land other than in the fifteen leagues above bounded and from mak- 
ing any trouble or hindrance either to those who are there or shall settle 
There under any pretext whatsoever, as also from making or allowing to 
be made trading with the Indians in the woods and the interior of the 
count rv on the penalties carried by the regulations, the whole conforma- 
bly to the decrees of the Council of the King. Done at Quebec the 
eighteenth of April sixteen hundred and ninety. 

Signed Bochart Champigny. 

(Registre ilex Insinuations au Conseil Souverain, 1679-1705, at Quebec, 
B. No.2,fol. 103 and 104.) 

Despite thorough search I have not been able to find the Decree of 
April 17, ] 687, but T think there can be no doubt that it makes a formal 
revocation of all the earlier grants to Nicolas Denys, and gives him in 
compensation a seigniory of the largest size ever granted in Canada, the 
location of which and its boundaries are later to be determined by agree- 
ment with the Entendant. Denys died the next year (1688) and the 
location of the Seigniory was delayed until 1690 when it was made by 
the [ntendant on consultation with Richard his son and heir as shown 
bv iho document. 


L6 March, 1691. 
Ratification of the (/rant of the Seigniory of Miramichi by the King. 

This sixteenth day of the month of March, one thousand six hundred 
and ninety-one, the King being at Versailles, and wishing to confirm 
and ratify the grants of lands made in his name in Canada, during the 
year one thousand six hundred and ninety, by the Count de Frontenac 
and the Sieur de Champigny, Governor and Intendant of the said 
country, under the authority delegated to them by him, His Majesty 
hath confirmed and ratified and doth confirm and ratify the grant made 
by them in favor of the Sieur Nicolas Denys de Frontenac,* in Acadia, 
of the place called Miramichy, established and limited by an order in 
Council of the seventeenth of April, one thousand six hundred and 
eighty-seven, to fifteen leagues in front, by fifteen leagues depth, com- 
mencing at the River aux Truites inclusive, running one league to the 
southeast, and the other fourteen leagues to the north, together with the 
points, isles and islands opposite of the said fifteen leagues front; to hold 
to him, his heirs or assigns, as their own property (comme de leur 
propre), upon the conditions contained in the said order of the 
eighteenth of April, one thousand six hundred and ninety, without tfie- 
said Nicholas Denys de Fronsac, his heirs or assigns, being bound, by 
reason thereof, to pay to His Majesty or to the Kings his successors, any 
sum of money or indemnity, His Majesty, having remitted the same to- 
whatever sum they may amount, by the present Letters Patent, which 
he hath been pleased to sign, and have countersigned by me, his Council- 
lor, 'Secretary of State, Commands and Finance. 

(Signed) LOUIS. 

And lower down, PHELIPPEAUX. 

(Return to an Address of the Legislative Assembly for copies of certain 
Seigniorial Documents, Quebec, 1853, page 49). 

The exact location of this seigniory is a matter of much interest to 
our present subject. I have discussed it briefly, with a map, in the 
Transactions of the Royal 'Society of Canada V. 1899, ii, 317 but with 
an error as to its date, and a mistake as to its limits, the latter due 
to my belief that the seigniory had to include a supposed fort at Burnt 

♦Misprint for Fronsac as shown by correct use of the name later in the grant. 
Also the expression Nicolas Denys de Frontenac (Fronsac) is an obvious error of 
some clerk who ran into one the two names of the preceding document. It is 
very likely this error, however, which originated the erroneous statement of many 
recent books that Nicolas Denvs was Sieur de Fronsac. 


Church. Yet the limits 1 believe are reasonably plain, and approximately 
as shown upon the accompanying general map. The Kiviere des Truittes 
(Tront River) is mentioned in no other record and npon no map; I 
bake it to be the Northwest Miramichi in its north-and-south part, above 
us junction with the little Southwest, and this formed a natural 
western limit. The league to the southeast was no doubt the two to three 
miles of river having that direction below its junction with the Little 
Southwest. As to the other fourteen leagues, their direction is confused, 
for while one of the forgoing documents reads north, the other reads 
northwest, which is not possible without running back upon the course 
of thi' first league. 1 have no doubt the original grant will be found 
to read north-east, which would make this boundary follow the general 
course of the Miramichi to end about at Burnt Church. These limits 
are perfectly natural under the circumstances, as are no others that I 
(.in tit with the facts we possess. That it extended inland towards 
Nepisiiruit is shown by the fact that the seigniory of Nepisiguit granted 
about the same time to Jean Gobin, was to be partly bounded by it. 

But this grant of the Seigniory of Miramichi has another interest 
to our present subject, for it marks the final passing of all Richard 
Denys' efforts to retain possession of the princely domain granted in 
L653 to his father. That grant had carried certain conditions as to 
settlement, which the Denys were never able to fulfil. For this reason 
their rights, whether or not formally revoked, were considered as in part 
null and void through this failure, and there arose a confusion of regrants 
of parts of their lands, edicts of many sorts,* renewals of rights, etc., 
the whole making a confusion which we do not yet possess the material 
to disentangle and which probably cannot be disentangled, because 
they involved absolutely inconsistent actions on the part of the granting 
powers, who were successively the Company of New France, the Company 
of the Indies, and the King through his representatives in Canada. 
I can simply trace here the more striking events in the disintegration 
of the Denys' grant. The grant was made to Denys by the Company 
of New France in 1653, and confirmed by the King in 1654. But in 
1663-64 T^le Saint John and the Magdalenes were granted Sieur Doublet 
and a Company, though they were restored to Denys by a renewal of 

*Thus, four of these are mentioned in the grant of Richibucto to Sieur de 
f'hauffours in 1684 ("Memorials of the "English and French Commissaries, 762). 


his rights in 166;. Then in 1673 a grant was made at Perce i'or the 
establishment orf a aedemtary fishery to Denys' nephew, Pierre Denys de 
Ja Hondo with one Charles Bazire, and it is known that Denys pro- 
tested against this grant. In 1676 a large seigniory, covering Bay Verte 
and Chignecto Isthmus, was granted the Sieur de la Valliere, who was 
husband of Denys 5 niece, Francoise Denys. Then, in 1677, Denys has 
his rights in part renewed, so far at least as concerned his right to 
the mineral products of Cape Breton and his trading privilege through- 
out his old territories. In 1682 and in 1684 the region including Canso 
was granted by the King to Sieur Bergier and others, and in 1684 an 
extensive seigniory covering the Eichibucto was granted to the 'Sieur 
de Chauft'ours. In 1686 Isle St. John and Cape Breton and the Mag- 
dalenes were granted to Gabriel Gautier, Bergier and others.* Finally 
came the edict revoking the rights of the Denys to all lands not granted 
or cleared by them. This is referred to by Richard Denys in a later 
document (18.) without mention of date, though I suspect it to be the 
order in Council of April 17, 1687, mentioned under that date in the 
document above given. Then in 1689 came the grant to Enault at 
Nepisiguit, mentioned in Document 18, and another cf the same year 
known to have been made to Michel Degre at Pokemouche. Finally 
came this grant to Richard Denys himself, and closely linked with it 
(and adjoining it on the north) was another to Sieur Gobin at Nepisi- 
guit, with yet another to Sieur dTberville extending from Gobin's 
along Bay Chaleur towards Kestigouche.** These two latter grants 
Pichard Denys soon bought,*** so that in 1691 he possessed the three 
extensive seigniories shown upon the accompanying map. These passed 
to his wife at his death, and their subsequent history will he found 
traced at the conclusion of the final document of the present series. 

In this year, 1690, or somewhat earlier, Richard Denys was taken 
prisoner by the English, for a letter of 1700,**** written by the Earl of 
Ballamont, says that Captain Southack, commander of the Province 

♦The various grants and renewals of rights are contained either in Murdoch's 
Xova Scotia, in the Memorials of the English and French Commissaries, or in 
my forthcoming edition of Denys' book. 

**Trans. Royal Society of Canada, V, 1899, ii. 318, 319. 

***Report on Canadian Archives, 1884, 9, 10, and document 18. 

"♦♦Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York, TV, 877. 


galley, took Monsieur Denys prisoner "during the last war," which can 
only be that between France and England, commenced in May 1689. 
Southack took from Denys a certain letter, which was written by Nicolas 
Denys to the French King, and which is to he printed in my edition of 
Denys' book. 


6 May, 1690. 

Detd of retuDt to Richard Denys of lands granted by him in 1686 to th 


This document is important as showing that the Kecollets relinguish- 
ed all the grants made to them, because they were unable to meet the 
conditions connected with their grant at Miramichi. Also it shows by 
implication that Richard Denys never removed, as he had intended, from 
his Fort and Habitation at the Forks of the Miramichi. 

And on the coming of the sixth day of May, in the year one 
thousand six hundred and ninety, were present M'onseigneur the very 
illustrious and very Reverend Father in God Messire Jean Baptiste de 
la Croix, Bishop of Quebec, formerly Abbe de St. Vallier, Messieurs 
Louis Ango des Mezerets, Superior of the Seminary of this city, Henry 
de Bernieres and Charles Giandalet, priests and officers of the said 
Seminary, of the one part; and Richard Denis Esquire Sieur de Fron- 
6ac of the other part, which parties by common consent and all unani- 
mously have covenanted and agreed that the present contract of sale, 
made to the said Seigneur Bishop the 16th of October 1686 of the 
buildings, clearings, fences, and other things mentioned therein, will 
remain null and void as if it had never been made nor passed, as also 
that the act of concession passed before us by the said Sieur de Fronsac, 
the 13th of August 1685 to Messieurs the Ecclesiastics of the said 
Seminary, of three leagues of land at Restigouche , three leagues at the 
River 'Ste. Croix, and three other leagues at Cap Breton; declaring, 
as well, the said Seigneur Bishop as also the said 'Sieurs Superior and 
officers of the said Seminary above named that they withdraw and de- 
sist in the name of the said Seminary from all pretentions which they may 
have had to the said lands, whether through the said contract of conces- 
sion above dated or by the said present contract of sale of the said build- 
ings clearings and other things mentioned therein which the said Sieur 
de Fronsac possesses at the said River Ste. Croix ; recognizing the said 
Seignenr Bishop that he has not paid anything of the fourteen hundred 


and .seventy-one livres 6 sols 8 deniers. to which he was bound, as the 
price, of the things sold by the said contract; of which also the said 
Sieur de FVonaac releases the said Seigneur and all others. Promising 
i he said parties to keep firm' and stable the present cancelling of the said 
deed under the obligation of their property and even of the temporal- 
ity of the said Seminary, renouncing everything which can be contrary 
thereto. Made and passed before noon of the said day and year at 
the house of the said Seigneur Bishop, and at the said Seminary in 
presence of the Sieurs Boutteville, father and son, merchants, rue Sainte 
Anne, witnesses, who have with the said parties and us signed. 

Jean euesque de Quebec. 
Louis Axgo. H. De Bernieres. 



(Judicial Archives of Quebec, Genaple papers, with Documents 9, 10). 


2<) August, 1691. 

A>t Agreement between Richard Deny* and Enault concerning lands at 


This document is of much local interest, partly for the fulness with 
which it exhibits Enault's* connection with the settlement of Nepisi- 
guit, partly for the light it throws upon Denys 7 relations with him, and 
partly for its illustration of the litigious spirit of the times which the 
inconsistencies of these old grants allowed full room for expression. 

Before the notary gardenotes of the King in his Provostships of 
Quebec in New France undersigned, were present the Sieurs Richard 
Denis, Esquire, Sieur de Fronsac, having his ordinary residence in his 
domain and Seigniory of Miramichi, at present in this city of the one 
part, and Philippe Enaust, leaving his ordinary residence at Nepisiguit, 
Baye des Chaleurs, also at present in this said city of the other part; 
who both have said as follows, viz. : — The said Sieur de Fronsac that in 
virtue of the power which he formerly had from the late 'Sieur Denys 
his father, Esquire Lord paramount and proprietor of all the lands of 
the said Baye des Chaleurs. he had given title, of concession by his own 

♦For further information about Enault. compare the note earlier under docu- 
ment 12. 


band, under his own private signature, of a league and a half of land 
of front upon the said Kiver at N"episiguit to the said Sieur Esnaust, 
with as much of depth as he wis'hed according to the extent of the said 
lands, on the obligation of paying for the future and forever one pistole 
and one otter skin in form of a bag. with tail paws and teeth, as rent 
and homage every two years; which rights and rents he has paid to him 
up to the year 1686, when he was obliged to go to France in connection 
with his business; during which time, under pretense of the re-union 
made to the domain of His Majesty (by decree of his Council of State) 
of the areas of lands not yet conceded by the said Sieurs Denis and de 
Fronsae, father and son, the said Sieur Esnaud had obtained a conces- 
sion with title of Seigniory from Monsieur le Marquis de Denonville, 
then Governor and Lieutenant General and Messire Jean Bochart de 
Champigny Intendant for the King in this country, of two leagues of 
land frontage with an equal depth (at the same place formerly conceded 
to him as above said), by title of the 3rd of August 1689, with rights 
of fishing trading and hunting throughout all the said extent, at a 
charge of 5 sols of seignorial rent and 5 deniers quit-rent towards the 
domain of His Majesty, and to bear faith and homage at the Chateau 
Saint Louis of this said city; and this notwithstanding that he holds 
from the said Sieur de Fronsae, not only the same above mentioned land 
by the said earlier concession, but again notwithstanding the new pos- 
session and enjoyment which he holds of the 'Seigniory supreme and feu- 
dal of the said places with rights of fief, seigniory, high mean and low 
justice, which have been given him by the 'Sieurs Pierre LeMoyne 
d'Hyberville and Jean Gobin by contracts passed before us the said 
notary the 28th of May 1690, to each one of whom concession had been 
made of 12 leagues of land in front with an equal depth as is more 
fully explained and mentioned in the titles which have been granted 
and given them by Monseigneur le Comte de Frontenac, at present 
Governor and Lieutenant general for His Majesty in this said country 
conjointly with our said Seigneur the Intendant; on this account the 
said Sieur de Fronsae had entered action before the Sovereign Council 
of this country to have it declared that the said deed of concession thus 
obtained would not injure him nor prejudice "his rights, and that without 
regard thereto the said Sieur Esnaust would hold from him the lands 
mentioned under the said title, and would be held for the future to pay 
him and his "heirs and assigns the above said rents mentioned in the said 
concession, under his private signature which he had made him of it; 
upon which decree has been rendered the 20th of this month deciding 
that without halting the said titles of concessions granted to the said 
Sieurs D'Iberville and Gobin and the grants which they had made to 
him Sieur de Fronsae, the Council has maintained and guarded the said 
Esnaud in the ownership, possession and enjoyment of the said conces- 


^ion, with the only condition of paying to the said Sieur de Fronsac the 
accumulated arrears from the said year eighty-six up to the third of 
August 1689 date of the title of the said grant; against which decree 
the said Sieur de Fronsac wished to sue to enforce restitution, through 
good and valid reasons which he is ready to state and make known to 
the court, which are that the said decree of the Council of 'State which 
alone could form the foundation of the said new concession had been 
rendered unknowingly to him, without his having been called nor heard 
on the matter nor its having been signified to him, nor even does it ap- 
pear in all the proceedings of the said Sovereign Council upon which 
it has rendered its said decree of the 20th of this month, which is an 
essential step for suing and getting restitution made against it ; besides 
the lands granted by the said Sieur de Fronsac would not have been 
taken from him by the said Council of State, if he had been heard by 
them, for they had been settled and that he had furnished the expenses 
necessary for this; omitting a number of other reasons which he had 
also to adduce; but that by the advice and counsel of their friends 
on both sides both parties have covenanted agreed and tranacted to- 
gether to this end, as follows, to avoid legal procedures prejudicial and 
ruinous to both :• Tt is declared that the said Sieur Esnaud shall enjoy 
the said two leagues of land in front, to be taken one league on each side 
of the said River ^"episiguit, with an equal depth o<f two leagues, with 
the same rights of trade, hunting and fishing mentioned in the said 
last concession of the 3rd August 1689; without however holding from 
the domain of the King, but only from the said Sieur de Fronsac, to 
whom and to his children and heirs in the direct line he will pay only 
for the future the sum of one hundred sols every two years on the day 
and feast of Saint Michel, on condition, nevertheless, that if the said 
feudal seigniory shall pass to collateral heirs or others than children 
heirs of the said Sieur de Fronsac in the direct line, whether by sale, 
gift or otherwise, the Lordship Paramount of the said concession will 
become the property to the said Sieur Esnaud, his heirs or assigns for- 
ever, for them to enjoy from that time on, according to the terms of the 
said last title of concession of the third of August 1689 ; which in this 
case shall exist in its entirety in all its force and virtue ; on account of 
which all actions and procedures, entered and already made up to this 
time by both parties, shall remain void and without effect, as also the said 
decree of the 20th of this month ; for thus it has been covenanted and 
agreed between the said parties, who have respectively promised to hold 
firm and stable the present transaction, without contravening it in anv 
manner whatsoever, under pledge of all their property present and 
future, wishing that the present transaction shall be allowed by the said 
Council, and that the said permission may be inserted at the foot of the 
said decree, rendered the 20th of this month, naming and constituting 


for doing this their attorney, the bearer- of these presents, to 1 whom they : 
give ^on jointly power to do this, and to get copy of the same 1 . And for- 
the execution of these said presents the said parties have pledged theif^ 
domiciles irrevocably in this town, where they consent that all summons 
and arts of justice shall be done validly as if made to their proper per-. 
sons: to wit: The said 'Sieur de Fronsac, at the house of the Sieur de 
Lespinay Bourgeois of this city, Rue Sous le Fort and the said Sieur 
Esnaud in the house of the Sieur Louis Jeolliet, in the said street, 
Promising, Obliging &c, Renouncing anew, &c. Made and passed in 
the office of the said notary, in the afternoon of the twenty-ninth day of 
August in the year one thousand six hundred and ninety-one in the 
presence of the Sieurs Jean Gobin merchant, and Jean Regnault clerk 
of the Sieur Boutteville, merchant, Rue Sainte Anne, witnesses, who 
have with the said parties and with us the said notary signed the 
present minute. 

Denys Fronsac. Enault. 

Regnault. ■ Gobin. 


(Judicial Archives of Quebec, Genaple papers). 


17 July, 1694. 
Petition of the widow of Richard Denys for the settlement of his estate. 

This document gives us authentic knowledge of the death of Richard 
Denys in 1691, at the early age of about thirty-seven years. As he was 
in Quebec at the end of August 1691 (as the preceding document shows), 
it is probable that the Saint Francois Xavier sailed in the autumn of 
that year for France, and was never again heard from. 

To Monsieur, the Lieutenant General, Civil and Criminal at the 
seat of the Provostship of Quebec : 

Humbly supplicates Francoise Cailleteau, widow of the late Richard 
Denys, Esquire, Sieur de Fronsac, who having embarked in the year 
1691 upon the ship the 'Saint Francois Xavier, perished on her, accord- 
ing to all appearances, with several other citizens and merchants of this 
country, without having left to the petitioner any memoranda con- 
cerning the state of the business of their common property, nor any 
information as to the debts receivable and payable, so that in the uir 
certainty as to this and also as to the actual loss of the said ship, she 
has also been since the said year down to the present uncertain whether 
conformably to the ordinance of 1667, Tiltre des delais pour deliberer, 
article first, she ought or should proceed to the selection of a guardian 


and a substitute guardian to the minor child who remains to her from 
the marriage between the said Sieur de Fronsac and herself, to attain to 
the completion of an inventory of the personal property and real estate 
of their said common property, which inventory she is advised to make 
at. once in accordance with the fourth article of the said Tiltre and 
otherwise to be excused for delay, having always nattered herself with the 
hope of again seeing her husband. 

This being considered, Sir, may it please you to allow the peti- 
tioner to have relatives and friends assembled before you in order to 
proceed to the selection of guardian and substitute guardian to the said 
minor child, and then to the completion of the said inventory of the 
article? of their said common property, with the privilege for the peti- 
tioner during the delay accorded for deliberation by the ordinance to see 
what is the best for her to do; as in fairness due. 

Francoise Cailteau. 

Let a. meeting take place of a competent number of relatives and 
friends to proceed to the object of the present supplication, done at 
Quebec the 17th July 1694. 


(Judicial Archives of Quebec.) 

This petition was granted and the estate evidently vested in the 
petitioner. A few days later, July 25, she married Pierre Rey-Gaillard 
(Tanguay), by whom she had children, who later inherited Richard 
Denys' property. The very fact that they did so is confirmatory of the 
early -death of Richard's son, Louis, the "minor child" of the petition. 

Xo direct information as to the fate of Richard Denys' establish- 
ments after his death has come down to us, but there is every probabil- 
ity that without their master-spirit they soon languished and were 
abandoned. For this much is certain, that in the 3^ear 1724 (as we are 
informed by an important unpublished report by the Sieur L'Hermitte, 
mentioned in a note earlier under Document No. 12), there were, in all 
the region where Denys had 103 French residents, only a single. Cana- 
dian settler at Pabos, in Gaspe, some half -Indian children of Enault at 
Xepisiguit, and a single French trader at Miramichi. Thus completely 
had the country been deserted which shows that it was the genius of 
Richard Denys which had previously kept it inhabited, and not any 
attractions in the land itself.* The fate of his estates, which comprised 

♦Cooney, in his "Northern New Brunswick and Gaspe," page 170, states that 
the French were expelled by the Indians about 1692, but the traditions related in 
this book are largely erroneous. 


at his death the three great Seigniories of Miramichi, Nepisiguit, and 
Restigouche, is known. In 1753 they were the property of Madamoi- 
selle Rey-Gaillard, who later sold them to a Mr. Bondfield of Quebec. 
In 17G4 he made an attempt to claim them from the Nova Scotian 
Government, in whose Province they then were, but he was referred 
to a law of the Province passed in 1759 which extinguished all such 
French titles.* Thus vanished every vestige of the ancient rights 
of [Nicolas Denys and his son Richard in Acadia. The very next year, 
1765, a large part of the old Seigniory of Miramichi, including the 
site of the Fort and Habitation of Richard Denys, was granted by Nova 
Scotia to William Davidson and John Cort, two 'Scotchmen, who in- 
augurated the permanent and present settlement of the Miramichi. 
Xepisiguit and Restigouche were similarly granted and settled a few 
years later. 

Everything that we know of Nicolas and Richard Denys shows 
them to have been capable energetic and high-minded men, keenly aware 
of the needs of their country and genuinely desirous of its welfare. That 
they did not succeed was in part because times and conditions were not 
yet ripe for success, and in part the result of misfortune and accident 
beyond their control. Richard Denys was able to carry somewhat farther 
the plans for which his father labored, and had Richard's life been 
spared it is probable that the history of northern New Brunswick would 
have been markedly different. But though visible signs of their labors 
are wanting, their work was not wholly a failure, for they were pioneers 
who made the way easier for others, and they builded an honorable 
memory in the hearts of Acadians forever. Some day, when our people 
come to treasure their traditions more highly, these men will be com- 
memorated also in suitable memorials of stone and bronze. That 
to Nicolas Denys should stand at Saint Peters, with which he was most 
closely associated, but that to Richard should look out over the Miramichi. 
Would that it might stand in an attractive town bearing his name of 

♦Murdoch, Nova Scotia, II, 441. Other important matter on these seigniories is 
in Report on Canadian Archives for 1884, 9, 10, 18. They appear to have been 
temporarily leased to Charles Aubert de la Chesnaie by Franooise Denys in 1692. 
The heirs and owners in 1753 rendered fealty and homage for these three Seignior- 
ies and attempted to collect dues from fishermen and others, but were forbidden 
by the authorities at Quebec. 

(Edits. Ordinances, etc. relative to the Seigniorial tenure, Quebec, 1852, 236). 


ft . .!_ 


The history of the first English settlements in New Brunswick is 
prosaic and almost devoid of adventure. It is relieved by none of those 
exciting incidents which make the history of the corresponding period 
in the United States so picturesque. Indian atrocities and massacres are 
happily lacking in the story of the province. Yet, while this is a com- 
forting feature of our history, we cannot forbear the sentimental regret 
that our immunity from the bursting forth of elemental and fiery pas- 
sions in the early days of our province now leaves us shorn of sites made 
historic by their evil renown. We have no Valley of Wyoming. Our 
historians can point to no town in which massacre ran riot as in Schenec- 
tady on the memorable 8th of February, 1690; they can record no con- 
tinuous struggle with hostile tribes such as the Puritans of Massachusetts 
waged' in King Philip's war; they cannot even outline an incursion of 
scalping parties similar to that which entered the little Maine Village of 
Heerneld in 1704, and carried into captivity that uncompromising but 
amiable heretic, the Reverend John Williams. Still there are places in 
our province where tales of pioneer adventure still linger, and where 
tomahawk and scalping knife, which had done their murderous work, 
ean yet be found. Such scenes of early adventure abound on the Mira- 

The early French missionaries had much to do with taming the 
native savagery of the Indians of this province. They strove to win the 
tribes to Christ and incidentally to France. Religion and patriotism 
united to make them the most politic and efficient representatives of 
European civilization that could be commissioned to a wild and sus- 
picions race. The secular power found in them its best advance agents, 
and upheld them accordingly. Tinder the French regime the missionary, 
especially in regions most exposed to British influence and intrigue, had 
both a civil and a religious mission. If he was a messenger of Christ to 
the barbarian, he was also an accredited ambassador of France ; he carried 
his credentials and instructions from the governor in the same pouch 
with his priestly faculties from the bishop of Quebec. The result was 


in the main, beneficial to Indian and white man alike. Having none 
of the grievances to resent that embittered the spirit of the Massachusetts 
tribes and drove them to deeds of blood, our Micmacs assimilated Euro- 
pean thought and manners as best they could and gradually laid aside 
their savagery. Thanks to this enlightened policy of France, the white 
man stood well with them. Our early English settlers were not there- 
fore at the disadvantage of encountering tribes hostile to the Europeans 
as such, the Indians too were not lacking in sagacity, and, like the 
Iroquois, often strove to enhance their services by a politic balanc- 
ing of the rival white nations. To make matters still easier, the 
sharp-witted Micmacs did not fail to observe that their Ancient Father, 
the King of France, was not exactly holding his own against his energetic 
enemies of the South. 

The French stronghold of Louisbourg had fallen, and Micmae chiefs 
had been present at its capture. The noise O'f its fall had in consequence 
reached the Miramichi. English frigates appeared on the coast, and 
French trading vessels had been captured; Wolfe had destroyed some 
French stations on the G-aspe coast. Then followed the deathblow to 
French dominion in America, the fall of Quebec. Runners had scarcely 
brought in the great tidings to the Miramichi when a British frigate 
entered the river and began the dismantlement of the French forts. It 
was at this time that the Indian church on the north bank of the Mira- 
michi was put to the names by the British commander in revenge for the 
ambushing and massacre of a boat's crew of his men. They had been 
sent ashore to refill their water-casks at the mouth of a rivulet, now 
called the Millstream, and were killed to a man. The Indian encamp- 
ment, much lower down the river, where the church was burned, has 
since been called Burnt Church. 

These evidences of British power all conspired to intimidate the 
Mic-Macs of the Miramichi. Outwardly they accepted the new order 
of things, but at heart their sympathies were still with their ancient 
allies, the French. Thus it happened that the first English settlers — 
who were more traders than settler s — were greeted by no overt hostility 
on the part of the aborigines on their arrival. The English trader in 
those days had the repute of paying better prices for peltries than his 
French rival, and here was a supplementary reason for a profitable neu- 

A season of comparative quiet and security thus intervened between 
the arrival of the first settlers and the outbreak of the Revolutionary 


War. Those first English traders were bluff, honest Scotchmen for the 
most part, and their interest lay' in cultivating the good will of the abori- 
gines. This was at best no easy task, for the arrogant Mic-Mac by word 
and act never suffered them to forget that he held them at his mercy. 
It was no uncommon occurrence, as T have frequently heard ancient 
inhabitants say, for a party of Indians to enter a farmyard in mid-winter 
when provisions were scarce, and slaughter an ox or a cow r under the very 
eyes of its owner, who dared not protest. In some instances the chief 
of such a marauding band sent back a choice roast from the butchered 
animal to the aggrieved owner. But all were not so magnanimous, the 
timorous protest of the latter being more frequently squelched by a 
glower of anger and a significant swing of the tomahawk. 

On the outbreak of the American Revolution in 1775, agents were 
despatched by the United Colonies to stir up the Indians of Acadia 
against the British government, and, if possible, secure the defection of 
the English settlers from the British cause. There is no evidence to 
show that these agents were able to shake the loyalty of the English- 
speaking inhabitants of the Miramichi, but they did succeed in re- 
awakening the latent hostility of the M'ic-Macs towards the English. 
The Indians at once became unduly quarrelsome and vindictive. The 
pecuniar}* profits of the fur- trade were for the moment more than 
counterbalanced by the liberality of American largess; for the nonce 
they were independent of the small group of traders who upheld British 
commerce on the river. Their attitude soon became so theatening that 
the settlers were forced to appeal to Halifax for succor. The journey, 
however, was long and precarious, and the danger increased daily. 

Early in the summer of 1777, when the anxious inhabitants had 
about given up all hope of relief and were preparing to sell their lives 
dearly, the Viper, sloop of war, appeared off Oak Point on the lower 
reaches of the river. She had for consort the Lafayette, an American 
privateer which Captain Harvey of the Viper had captured while cruis- 
ing in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. One Ross, of Perce, a pilot in those 
waters, had been to the Miramichi in the prosecution of his business, 
and while on his way home fell in with the Viper, He at once acquainted 
Captain Harvey with the desperate condition of the Miramichi settlers, 
and volunteered to pilot him up the river. Captain Harvey put him. on 
board the Lafayette, and for the purpose of deceiving the Indians again 


floated the American flag on the captured vessel. The Viper then lay 
ofl the coast, awaiting the outcome of the expedition. 

The Indian of the Miramichi, if we are to believe the ancient 
chroniclers, was a magnificent specimen of physicial manhood. Cartier, 
Lesearbot. and the Jesuit missionaries of the seventeenth century extol 
him as a giant among men. Membertou, Grand Sagamore of the Mic- 
Macs at the close of the sixteenth century, and one of the greatest of our 
.North- American Indians, belonged to this region; according to Father 
Biard he was head and shoulder above the Mic-Macs of Nova Scotia. 
In our own day, those of us who can go back in memory to the Mic-Macs 
of forty years ago can recall their splendid physique. The Geneishes, 
the Julians, and other aboriginal families of the Miramichi produced 
scions of whom any race might well be proud. One of the sights of an 
Indian fete-day in Newcastle or Chatham fifty years ago was the band 
of Mic-Mac sachems, each of whom was a Hercules in moccasins. 

To return from this digression, which the incident to be related 
seems to justify: When the Lafayette came up the river as far as 
Xapan Ba}' she was bearded by a number of Indians from the northern 
bank. The crew at once made friends of the visitors, and boasted that 
they were Americans sent to the aid of their Mic-Mac brothers. The 
savages were treated to a liberal ration of rum, and were then sent ashore 
with invitations to all the chiefs to come on board for a carouse on the 
morrow. They departed, ungratefully vowing, it is said, to return next 
day for the capture of the vessel. 

The fighting force on the privateer was in the interim reinforced 
by the arrival of English settlers from the south side of the river. They 
were John Murdoch, John Malcolm, Peter Brown, Alexander Hender- 
son and his sons — James, Peter, John, Alexander, and George. These 
nine men gave a good account of themselves in the affray oi the next 

On the morrow thirty or thirty-five chiefs, in full war paint, put 
off from land, and were received on board the Lafayette. They were 
conveyed to the hold, where refreshments suitable to their tastes were 
served. The sight of Ross, the pilot, excited their suspicions, however, 
so that before the hatches could be fully secured, a deadly struggle was 
precipitated. Ross was shot through the arm. Before the main hatch- 
wav could be closed a gigantic Indian named Martin projected his body 
through the opening and reached the main deck, followed by one other 


savage. Two marines attempted to put Martin in irons, but so great 
was his strength that he strangled the two men to death. He was beset 
by a score of men with fixed bayonets, but he gallantly continued the 
struggle in the face of such odds, and succeeded in wrenching a bayonet 
from one of the muskets. Aiming a blow at the marine whom he had 
thus disarmed, he drove the point of the bayonet quivering into the mast. 
At length he fell overpowered, bleeding from numberless wounds, and 
apparently lifeless. A few moments of respite renewed the strong cur- 
rents of his life, however, and with a bound he was again on his feet. 
Looking wildly around him his eye lighted on his companion, bound 
and shivering in deadly terror, with a strangle-hold he seized his cowardly 
tribesman, and desisted only when he received his own death blow at 
the I land of an Irish marine named Eobert Beck. 

In the meantime the Indians who had been entrapped in the 'tween- 
deckg of the privateer, raging like caged tigers, and blinded by the dark- 
ness, sought in vain for a weak spot in the pitiless walls of their prison. 
Finally, collecting together where the ? tween-deck space w r as lowest, they 
attempted to lift the quarter-deck bodily from its stanchions. So great 
was their united strength that they actually did lift the deck four inches, 
and it was found necessary, before they could be forced to desist to 
weight it down with an anchor and chain. However incredible this feat 
of strength may appear, it is vouched for by most respectable testimony. 

The Lafayette, having thus effected her mission, rejoined her con- 
sort and sailed for Quebec with her cargo of caged Mic-Macs. There 
they were kept in durance until one by one they were suffered to return 
to their native hunting grounds. The remainder of the tribe, without 
leaders and fearing a repetition of the punishment inflicted on them in 
IT 59, when their church was burned, were willing enough to retire to 
their encampments and leave the harassed settlers in peace. As minor 
incidents of this abortive uprising, John Murdoch lost all his cattle; 
Mr. Cort, a large quantity of moose skins; and Isabella Henderson, 
daughter of Alexander Henderson, came near being carried into 






The first social Club in St. John, of which any record has been 
preserved, was established in 1803, just twenty years after the landing 
of the Loyalists, in a building on the lot where now stands the splendid 
edifice occupied by the ■ Royal Bank of Montreal. 

This lot, number 402, fronting fifty feet on the east side of Prince 
William 'Street, and eighty on the south side of King Street, was drawn 
in 1783 by Charles McPherson, a Loyalist, who held a commission in 
General Oliver cleLancy's Brigade during the American Eevolution. It 
is said that McPherson shortly after drawing the lot offered it for sale 
at £15, but the price was thought so unreasonable that a purchaser could 
not be found. 

The Exchange Coffee House, an illustration of which appears with 
this article, was a low two story building and basement with shingle roof. 
It was probably one of the first considerable structures erected in Parr 
Town, and was completed within fifteen months after the landing of the 
Loyalists. It was designed and built for a place of refreshment, for the 
"Coffee House" is mentioned in a newspaper as early as August 5th, 
3 784, Charles McPherson being the proprietor and owner. The draw- 
ing, of which the illustration is a copy, was made in 1840 by Mr. George 
X. Smith, a local artist, and is said by those who recollect the building 
to be a faithful representation of the Coffee House. One of its rooms 
was known as the Assembly Room; it was 50x25 feet, and was on the 
second floor. One of the first entertainments on an elaborate scale given 
in this room is thus described by Benjamin M'arston in his diary, under 
date Tuesday, 18th January, 1785 :-r-"Queen's birthnight, Governor Car- 
leton gave a ball and supper at the Assembly Room. Between 30 and 40 
ladies were present, and near 100 gentlemen. The ladies were of the 

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best families only, but the gentlemen were of all sorts. The business was 
as well conducted as such an entertainment could be where so large a 
company were to be entertained in so small a room." Later, in the elec- 
tion for that year, the poll was held for the first two days at "McPherson's 
Coffee House.** That the property was then considered of considerable 
value is shown by the fact that in the next year, 1786, McPherson gave 
a mortgage of the Coffee House to William Thomson and Alexander Beid 
for £1/200. In 1789 the following appeared in the St. John Gazette and 
Weekly Advertiser: 

'Sale of the Exchange Coffee House. 

"Fronting the Publick Market-Place 50 feet on Prince William 
Street. 80 feet on King Street. On the First Floor is one room, 25 feet 
square, compleatly fitted up for a Coffee-room; one parlour, 24 x 15 feet, 
to which joins a complete bar-room; one ditto, 26 by 15 feet, which has 
been ever since the settlement of the City employed as a store, and is 
allowed to be equal to the best stand in the Province. On the Second 
Floor is an elegant Assembly Boom, 50 by 25 feet, one large Parlour, and 
a Bedroom. On the Third Floor is eight well finished Bedrooms. 
ITnder the First Floor is a well frequented Store, fronting the street, at 
the back of which is a large convenient Kitchen; also a very fine cellar, 
36 by 24 feet, built with stone. For further particulars apply to the 

"Chas. McPherson/' 

'St. John, May 1, 1789. 

The above gives us an idea of the internal arrangement of the house. 
1 1 is possible that the eight well finished bedrooms on the third floor were 
in the adjoining building. Mr. McPherson apparently did not succeed 
in finding a purchaser for his property, for in the meantime he leased it 
to one William Sogers, and again advertised the property for sale, as we 
find in the following advertisement which gives the exterior dimensions 
of the building: 


For Sale. 

"That large and commodious House, and eligible stand for business, 
situate at the corner of King and Prince William Streets, now in the 
occupation of Mr. Wm. Bogers. 

"The house is two and half stories high, in good repair, and 
replete with accommodations and conveniences for business, as well as 


for family purposes. It fronts on Market Square 50 feet, and on King- 
Street 36 feet, exclusive of additional rooms annexed to it on the same 
street, and a complete Cellar under the whole House. It has rented for 
the last 7 years at £100 per annum, and the proprietor is offered £150 
for the ensuing year. The situation of the premises and the advantages 
attached to it are so well known as to render any encomiums or f urther 
description unnecessary. The Lot is 50 by 80 feet, and having the bene- 
fit of both fronts makes it an object to those inclined to purchase. For 
further particulars apply to the proprietor, 

Chas. McPhekson." 
"St. John, 5th January, 1798." 

Mr. Rogers, desiring to sub-let a portion of the premises, inserted 
the following advertisement in the "Gazette" in the same year. Even at 
this ear^ period in the history of the City yearly tenancies began from 
the first day of May : 


"Par One Year from the the first day of May next, the corner Store 
of the Exchange Coffee House, now occupied by the subscriber; as also 
the Store underneath the said House, at present in the tenure of Alder- 
man Reid. These two stores may, with great propriety, be called the 
First stands for business in this City. For terms enquire of 

William Rogers/"' 
"St. John, February 2, 1798." 

Two years later the occupant of the Coffee House was White Ray- 
mond, of whom we have a record as early as 1784. In that year on the 
1 7th of June at the Sessions of the Peace for the old County of Sunbury, 
in the Province of 'Xova Scotia, held at Maugerville, in what is now New 
Brunswick, White Raymond (formerly of Darien, Connecticut), of the 
Township of Parr, petitioned for leave to keep a house of Public Enter- 
tainment in Parr Town, and for a license to retail spirituous liquors, by 
the small measure. His application was endorsed as follows by the 
Secretary of the Board of Directors for the laying out and settlement of 
Parr Town : 

"Tin's may certify that the within mentioned White Raymond is an 
honest, good man. and is in a situation to accommodate the Public. 

(Signed) Oliver Arnold/' 


White Raymond was a .brother of Stent Raymonds the ancestor of 
Win. E; Raymond of the Royal Hotel: His lot near the corner of Sydney 
and Brittain Streets was a very central one for the "Lower Cove" district, 
when 1 the disbanded soldielrs^of .fne Loyalist regiments were principally 
settled. This district at that , time : was a strong rival of the "Upper 
I <>\e. v However, White* Raymond decided after a while .to try his fortunes 
at the Upper Cove, as we < learn -from the following advertisement in the 
columns of "The Royal Gazette 'and New Brunswick Advertiser," of the 
3rd of June, 1800: 

"Exchange Coffee House 

"The 'Subscriber will open the Coffee-Room in the Exchange Coffee 
House for the reception of the Gentlemen Merchants and others, and 
will engage to furnish, by every' Packet, the' London Newspapers, as also 
the New York and Boston Papers by every opportunity, for their perusal, 
as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers shall appear to defray the 
expense of the room, fire, and, candle-light, &c. 

White Raymond/' 
"Juno 3rd, 1800." 

Mr. Raymond remained the tenant until 'the property passed into 
Mr. Cody's hands, and there can be little doubt that it was he who, some 
nine months later, inserted in the columns of the same paper the follow- 
ing admonition : 

"A Hint. 

"The Occupier of the Exchange Coffee House is under the disagree- 
able necessity of reminding those Gentlemen who are in the habit of 
taking away News-Papers belonging to the Subscription Room, that they 
must desist from the like practices in future, as they are intended for 
the benefit of all the Gentlemen Subscribers, and such intrusions will 
not be allowed." 

" St. John, March 17th, 1801." 

in 1803 William George Cody — originally spelled "Cowdy" — leased 
the Coffee House. He was born in 1771 at St. George's, Grenada, W. L, 
a Bon of Oliver Cody, born at Drumanore, County Down, Ireland, in 
1744. lie married, in 1798 at Halifax, N. S., Susannah, born 1779 in 
London, England, daughter of Osmond Button of Devonshire. After a 
year's residence in Halifax, where their eldest child, Susannah Jane was 
born, the married couple moved to Annapolis Royal, where their first 


son, William Oliver, was born in 1800, and a second son, James Osmond, 
in January, L803. shortly afterwards they moved to 'St. John, where 
eighl more were added to their children. Jane > a sister of William 
Gteorge Cody, not a daughter, as stated in Lawrence's usually accurate 
"Foot Prints," born in London, 1779, married 21st October, 1803, 
Richard Whiteside, and a second sister married Michael Hennigar, names 
well known in this city. 

Under date May 11th, 1803, William George Cody advertises that 
having taken the Exchange Coffee House he is prepared to furnish 
entertainment, liquors, good board and good stabling for horses. 

Soon after opening his place of entertainment, Mr. Cody laid his 
plans to add to the already well merited popularity of the Coffee House 
by establishing a Club, which he designated "Subscription Room." The 
original Subscription List is in the possession of the writer. Accompany- 
ing this sketch is a. reduced facsimile, with the signatures, and appended 
is a brief description of each of the subscribers, of whom there were forty- 
feur, mostly Loyalists, and comprising many of the leading citizens of 
the time. This paper, which may be designated the Constitution and 
By-Laws, setp forth the terms and conditions of membership in brief 
form. Xone but subscribers, with their non-resident friends, were to be 
admitted. The subscription was twenty shillings a year, and for this 
fee the room was to be furnished with Lloyds' s List, a tri-weekly London 
paper, a New York daily and Boston daily, and a Halifax weekly and St. 
John weekly paper. The proprietor was to provide fewill (sic), candle 
light. a blank book for insertion of news, and pen, ink and paper. No 
fateful ballot was employed to keep out the undesirable applicant for 
admission, at least there seems to have been no provision for such, and 
Mr. Cody probably remained the sole arbiter of the fitness of the 

The prestige given to the Coffee House by the influential member- 
ship of the Subscription Room added greatly to its popularity. Here the 
leading professional and business men of the place held not only their 
informal hut their pre-arranged meetings and here they met to initiate 
and complete transactions of greater or less importance. Tt was a ren- 
dezvous lor seekers after entertainment, primarily of a material and 
secondarily, of an intellectual nature. Its liquid refreshments, judging 
by its name, were not confined to the Jamaica Rum then so freely used. 

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A direct trade, largo for this port at that time, was carried on with the 
West Indie,-. The duty on this spirit was six pence per gallon, while 
the cost to the consumer, two and six pence per gallon, brought the 
favourite beverage within the reach of all desiring this class of stimulant. 
Here subscription papers, petitions and other documents to which signa- 
tures were desired were usually left. It was a little ''hub of creation." 
The Court House, City Hall and Market were close at hand on the Mar- 
ket Square, and for some years the Post Office was only a little further 
south on Prince William 'Street, while a printing office (Henry Chubb's) 
was just alongside. It was the meeting place of the citizens for a great 
variety of purposes, social, political and otherwise. Here were held 
many of the annual anniversaries of the national societies of Saint George 
and Saint Andrew. Civic, political and military dinners were given 
under its roof. Even balls were held at Cody's, notably that in honour 
of Xelson's victory at Trafalgar. This was the regular meeting place 
of St. John's Masonic Lodge from May, 1803, to March, 1813. It was in 
the Old Coffee House, on the 20th. of May, 1819, that the St. John 
Auxiliary of the British and Foreign Bible Society was founded, and 
many other gatherings for the promotion of the moral well-being of the 
community were held. Here onl2th June, 1820 was held the first meet- 
ing of the stockholders of the Bank of Xew Brunswick, at which Directors 
were elected and subsequently its officers appointed. Here in 1822 they 
considered the practicability of building a canal from the head of the 
Bay of Fundy to Bay Verte, which proposal was a live topic for half a 
century and more. At this meeting Ward Chipman, Sr., Judge of the 
Supreme Court, afterwards Chief Justice, was in the chair, and such 
well known citizens as Hugh Johnston, Thomas Millidge, Charles 
Simonds and Lauchlan Donaldson were appointed a Committee to raise 
the sum of £250 for the purpose of having a survey made. 'Surely it 
may well be said that the Coffee House was a useful as well as popular 
institution of its times. 

In October, 1817, Mr. Cody purchased the property from Mr. 
MePherson for the sum of £1,500, it being described in the deed 1 as 
"the premises being generally known and distinguished by the appela- 
tion of the Coffee House/' In 1824, Mr. Cody moved to Loch Lomond, 
where he established the "Ben Lomond House." In August, 1836, he 
advertised his old premises for sale, as follows^ 



"That very valuable freehold property known by the name of 
the Exchange Coffee House, owned by the subscriber, in the Market 
Square of this city, being 50 feet on said square, and extending upwards 
of 80 feel on King Street, together with the buildings thereon. The 
whole is offered for the sum of £7,000 currency of which £3,000 is re- 
quired to be paid when a sufficient deed is furnished, and possession 
given, the remaining £4,000 may continue unpaid for seven years, pro- 
vided the interest at six per cent, is duly settled up once every year. The 
property now rents for upwards of £400 per annum, and properly improv- 
ed may be made to yield upwards of £1,000. If not sold prior to Monday, 
31st October, ensuing the same will be put up at auction on that day. 

William G. Cody. 
Aug. 13, 1336" 

Bui apparently he found no purchaser. On 25th August, 1840, Mr. 
Cody died at his home at Loch Lomond, aged seventy years. On 1st 
August. 1850, the Coffee House was sold at auction in the office of the 
Master of Chancery under an order for sale in that Court, and was 
bought by the late Mr. John G-illis for the large sum of £5,650. In 
the deed it is described as being "heretofore occupied by William George 
Cody, and known and distinguished by the name of the Exchange 
Coffee House. 7 * 

Some extracts relating to the Coffee House from writers of local 
history may be quoted — 

Sabine in his "Loyalists of the American Revolution/* 2ndVol. p. 
76, refers to Cody as "the Prince of caterers and the most obliging of 
landlords," and adds, "the Coffee House was a famous place of meeting 
for a long time. Within it the Loyalists gathered year after year to 
discuss their affairs both public and private, to tell of their losses, suf- 
ferings and expulsion from their native land, to hold high revelry, to 
read the news, to transact business, and to devise means to develop the 
resources of the Colony." 

Stewart in "The Story of the Great Fire in St. John, 1ST. B." thus 
refers to the Coffee House. "Here of an evening for years and years, 
the old men of the place used to sit and gossip and smoke, and sip ttieir 
toddy; here in 1815 they met to learn the news of the war between 
FVance and England, and read the story of Waterloo four or five months 
after it was fought and won. In this sort of Shakspeare tavern, the 



leading merchants of the day mei and chatted over large sales, and com- 
pared notes. Here, a verbal commercial agency was established, and 
here delightful old gossips met and told each other all about everybody 
else's affairs. There were Ben Jonsons in those days who wrote dramatic 
pieces and showed them to their friends over a cup of hot spiced rum. 
Poets, too, full of the tender passion, sighed out hexameters of love in 
that old Coffee House/' 

Bunting, in his k *Freemasonary in New Brunswick," page 395, writes: 
"It was a noted place of resort to the early citizens of St. John, and 
was better known to them than any other place in the city under its 
several! designations of MacPhersons Coffee House, Cody's Coffee House, 
Exchange Coffee House, and above all as "The Coffee House." The 
public room in the upper story, the scene of the many gay and festive 
gatherings, often resounded with the light-hearted laugh, the mirthful 
joke, the pleasant song, interspersed with toasts and sentiments. Wit, 
wisdom, gaiety and humour were there. The health of the king, attach- 
ment to the throne of Great Britain, and devotion to the fair sisterhood 
found hearty and outspoken expression around its festive board. The 
merchant, the lawyer, the politician, the scholar — all classes and pro- 
fessions — mingled here and talked of merchandise, briefs, public matters, 
Shakspeare, and the latest news from Europe." 

The Coffee House building had several narrow escapes from destruc- 
tion by lire, which swept Prince William Street and Market Square, but 
it remained in continuous use until shortly after its purchase in 1850, 
when it was torn down to make room for the "Imperial Building" 
erected by Mr. Gil lis, which was considered a wonderful advance in the 
style of business buildings hitherto erected in St. John. The "Imperial 
Building" was consumed in the great fire in 1877, after which the present 
handsome structure now owned by the Bank of Montreal was erected. 

We have no record of the period during which the Subscription 
Eoom Club remained in existence. How different are the times now in 
everything relating to social and club life. The candle lit Subscription 
"Room has given way to the brilliantly electric lighted modern Club build- 
ing furnished with five St. John dailies in place of a single weekly paper, 
beautifully illustrated London papers instead of the small tri-weekly 
journal which was then issued, while huge New York and Boston papers 
have supplanted the single sheets of those days. Telegraphy has been 
perfected and telephones have come into common use. Modern hot water 
heating has taken the place of the old-fashioned wood burning open fire 


place, and instead of a single subscription club room, there are now in 
St. John the Union Club, with its membership of some three hundred, the 
RoyaJ Kennebecasis Yacht Club, with its more than four hundred mem- 
bers, the Nam nil History 'Society, the Young Men's Christian Associa- 
tion, the Neptune Rowing Club, the Free Public Library, the Masonic 
and similar societies, and many other clubs and organizations, religious, 
intellectual and social, each with their separate rooms, some with their 
own well appointed buildings and all in a prosperous and growing 



Wm. Campbell, the first signer, a Loyalist, was at this period and 
for more than 20 years, Mayor and for some time Postmaster of 
St. John. He was originally from Argyleshire. He came to America 
in the prime of life and settled in a mercantile capacity at Worcester, 
Mass. At the evacuation of Boston he went to New York and at the 
close of the war came, with other Loyalists, to Halifax, afterwards, in 

>. removing to St. John. He was an estimable and energetic citizen. 
Sabine, in his "Loyalists of the American Revolution/' makes note of 
him. Tie died at St. John, 10th February 1823, in his eighty-second 

Wm. Pagan was a New York merchant at the time of the Revolu- 
tion. He was a native of Glasgow. He sided with the Crown and was a 
zealous Loyalist. He was elected a member for St. John County at the 
first election for the House of Assembly in 1785 and afterwards was a 
member of the Executive Council. He was the first President of St. 
Andrew's Society and his biography will be found in the lately published 
history of that Society. It was after him that Pagan Place in this City 
was named. He died at Fredericton during a session of the Legislature 
on 12th March 1819 and was given a public funeral. His remains 
were interred at Fredericton. William, Thomas, Robert and George 
Pagan were brothers and were all prominent in Provincial affairs. 

Arthur Dingwall, a native of Scotland; a Loyalist; grantee of 
Parrtown. Tn 1785 was a member of the Loyal Artillery Company of 


St. John. His house was on Prince Wm. St. Dingwall's Wharf is 
frequently mentioned in old advertisements. In 1801 "he advertised he 
was about to leave 'St. John. He was drowned at sea in the wreck of 
the Brig "Star/' Captain Disbrow, while on a voyage to England, 21st 
December 1814. 

Munson Jarvis, born at Norwalk, Conn., in 1742. He and his 
father were ardent Loyalists. In 1776 Munson Jarvrs was tried by a 
Revolutionary Committee and compelled to remove to New York. He 
held a commission in one of the Loyalist corps, and when the struggle 
ended came to Parrtown and was a grantee. Here he established! ai 
hardware business, which he carried on successfully for more than forty 
years. He was one of the first Vestrymen of Trinity Church and soon 
afterwards and for many years, Church Warden. Ai the organization 
of the City of St. John a member of the Common Council and from 
1803-1810 represented the City and County in the House of Assembly. 
Ralph M. and William, his sons, were associated in business with him 
on the South Market Wharf under the firm name of Munson Jarvis & 
Co. Another son, Edward James Jarvis, was afterwards Chief Justice 
of Prince Edward Island. He died at St. John in 1825, at the age of 
83 years. 

Jno. L. Venner, an Englishman; merchant in St. John for many 
yea is. His store was on Market Wharf. He used to visit England and 
personally select his goods, of which he kept a large variety. He was a 
man of property. He died in London, G-. B., 20th July, 1825, aged 
64 years. 

James Codner, was an ensign in 1782 in the Volunteers of Ireland, 
sometimes known as the Second American Regiment; a Loyalist; grantee 
of Parrtown; Chamberlain of the City from 1793-1801. He lived in a 
stone house facing the Market Square. Was for some time partner of 
the well-known firm of McCall & Codner on King Street; afterwards kept 
store on his own account in the basement of City Hall on the Market 
Square. Was one of St. John's early Magistrates. His wife was a 
daughter of Hon. George Leonard. He died April 24th 1821, aged 67 
years. 4 

Xe i j emi aii Merbitt, son of Thos. Merritt, a Loyalist. He kept a 
store on the north side «** the Market Snuare on the site of the building 


long occupied by Daniel & Boyd and known as the "London House." 
Mr. Merritt was also agent for a number of vessels and was interested 
in shipping. Ho was one of the first Directors of the Bank of New 
Brunswick. Died 1842, aged 72 years. 

John Evan, a Loyalist; born in Rhode Island, 1761; a printer; 
came from New York in November 1783 leaving his press and types 
beh'nd him. He, in partnership with one Lewis, probably Wm. Lewis, 
■i Loyalist, published in St. John in Lecemler, 1783, the first issue of 
the "Royal Gazette and Nova Scotia Intelligencer." This was the first 
newspaper published in what is now [New Brunswick, the present Pro- 
Aince of New Brunswick being until 1785 a portion of the Province of 
Nova Scotia — hence the nairie of the paper. Ryan wis made King's 
Printer in 1799. He afterwards removed to St. John's, Newfoundland, 
where lie printe 1 the "Royal Gazette" of that colony. While living in 
St. John, in 1805, John Ryan owned a new store and dwelling on the 
south side of the public landing (Market 'Slip), three stories in height, 
30x50 feet. It was here that he printed the "Royal Gazette" on paper 
9x16 inches in size and of a quality no better than modern wrapping 
paper. He died in 1847, aged 86 years. 

Thos. Millidge, Jr., son of Thos. Millidge, Major of the First Batt. 
New Jersey Volunteers. Sabine describes him as an eminent merchant, 
a magistrate and a member of the House of Assembly. He was one of 
the first Directors of the Bank of New Brunswick. His wife, Sarah, was 
a daughter of James Simonds, pre-Loyalist grantee of a large tract of 
land north of the old City of St. John. He died at the age of 62 years, 
in 1838. 

Hon. J oi ix Robinson, son of Colonel Beverley Robinson of New 
York and grandson of the Hon. John Robinson, President of the Pro- 
vince of Virginia, served as an officer in the Loyal American Regiment 
raised by his father. Soon after Mr. Robinson's arrival in New Bruns- 
wick, he was appointed first Sheriff of Queens County; removed shortly 
afterwards to St. John and engaged in mercantile affairs. In 1809 was 
chosen a representative in the House of Assembly for the City of Saint 
John; in 1812 was elected Speaker of the House; in 1816 elevated 
to a seat in His Majesty's Council; he was Deputy Pay Master 
General of His Majesty's forces and in 1816 Provincial Treas- 


uvcr and, in the same year. Mayor of St. John, both of which lat- 
ter offices he held during the remainder of his life, being the first Mayor 
of tii;: i City who died in office. He was also the first President of the 
Bank of New Brunswick. His residence was on Prince William Street. 
He married Elizabeth, daughter of the Hon. Chief Justice Ludlow, and 
died October 8th. 1828, aged 66 years. Extended references to the 
Robinson family can be found in Sabine's Loyalists. 

John Black, native of Scotland. The firm of which he was a mem- 
ber bad branches at Halifax, Greenock and London. At St. John the 
firm shipped masts for the Royal Xavy. For many years the mast ships 
made spring and fall voyages. The vessels were built of unusual length 
for their tonnage. The firm imported large quantities of English goods. 
Their counting house for many years was on Dock Street, on the third 
lot from Xorth Wharf. In 1793 he was elected member of the House 
of Assembly for the County of Northumberland. He married in 1797 
the widow of John McGeorge, a member for St. John in the first House 
of Assembly. On 23rd November, 1798, the news reached St. John of 
Nelson's glorious victory at the Battle of the Nile, fought on August 1st. 
Spontaneous demonstrations took place, and the houses of John Black 
and many others "flamed away from top to bottom." The night was a 
very memorable one in the early days of St. John. In 1802 he was a 
Justice of the Peace. Was an active member of Trinity Church and 
gave £450 sterling towards the organ. Wm. Pagan had the instrument 
brought out in one of his vessels, and he remitted the freight charges, 
John Black removed to Halifax in 1806, leaving the St. John business 
to his brother William. In 1813 he was made a member of the Nova 
Scotia Legislative Council. He died in Scotland, September 4th, 1823, 
at the age of 59 years. 

Joi ix McLeod. Loyalist; took out his Freedom 1790; a shipping 
agent and grocer on South Market Wharf, then called Long Wharf; was 
a brother-in-law of Charles McPherson. Died in 1805, aged 45 years. 

Tnos. Wetmobe was born at Rye, New York, September 20, 1767, 

son of Timothy Wetmore. His father and grandfather were zealous 

Loyalists. He studied law in the office of the elder Ward Chipman and 

was admitted attorney in 1788. Was a leading Barrister, Master in 

Chancery, and a member of the Executive Council of New Brunswick. 


On the 2nd April. 1799 he wrote rather an odd letter to the Mayor of 

St. John: 

"Sir: — 1 am sorry to find that I have been elected a member of the 
I "i union Council of the City of Saint John. As it is an office given to 
me contrary to my wishes and express desire, I have to request you will 
inform the Council that I will esteem it a favor in them to excuse me 
from the service without a fine, or with! a small one. I beg toi >kaolir 
the terms upon which I may be relieved, and am, Sir, Your most obedi- 
ent servant, 

Thos. Wetmore. 

From 1809 until his death in 1828 was Attorney General of the 
Province. He married Sarah, daughter of Judge James Peters of 
Queens Count}', by whom he had thirteen children. The late Hon. A. 
Rainsford Wetmore, Judge of the Supreme Court, was a grandson of 
Attorney General Wetmore. 

Colix Campbell, first Clerk of the Crown in ~New Brunswick and 
Registrar of the Court of Vice Admiralty. 

Hugh Johnston was born 4th January, 1756, in Murray shire, 
North Britain. He came to St. John in 1785, from Scotland, in a vessel 
owned by himself, he being also the owner of the cargo which she carried. 
With the merchandise then brought over he went into business, employ- 
ing his vessel in trading out of the port of 'St. John. His place of busi- 
ness was on the west side of Prince William St. Johnston's Wharf and 
the Slip adjoining were named after him. He was twice married, hav- 
ing fourteen children in all, of whom one became the Hon. Hugh 
Johnston. He died 29th November,1829, aged 74. By Bunting's Free- 
masonry in Xew Brunswick, we are informed that he "Represented the 
I ity and County of Saint John in the Provincial Legislature for the long 
term of seventeen years; one of the founders of St. Andrew's Church,, 
and one of the first elders thereof; an incorporator and one of the first 
Directors of the Bank of INew Brunswick; a member of the old Friendly 
Fire Club; a port warden of the City from 1816 to 1829 ; an alderman of 
the City for 1808 and many succeeding years; a joint owner of the 
Steamer "General Smyth' — the first to ply on the River St. John. He 
carried on a large importing and mercantile business, in which he was 
very successful : always sustaining a high character for integrity and cor- 
rect business habits. It was said of him that he was a faithful friend 
and an enterprising and useful member of the community." 


Jas. Grigor, native of 'Scotland — St. John merchant. He was 
senior partner of the iirm of Grigor and Donald. In 1802 was a member 
of the Common Council. Jn 1814 James Grigor, on behalf of the Pres- 
byterians of St. John, purchased of John Laudner Venner the lot on 
which St. Andrew's Church now stands for £250. This money was 
granted to the church by the Legislature. A church was at once erected 
and was opened the same year, Rev. Dr. Waddell preaching the first 
sermon. Died at Hampton, K. C, 31st July, 1823, aged 71 years. 

Andrew Crooks hank, a Loyalist and successful merchant, who 
resided on Chipman's Hill in one of the. first framed dwelling houses 
erected in St. John, the frame having been brought from New York.^ 
Mr. Crookshank was well known for years as St. John's leading auc*' 
tioneer. He was a prominent citizen in a variety of ways, and succeeded 
his step-father, John Colvill, in the Captaincy of the Loyal Company of 
Artillery of St. John. He was senior partner of the firm of Crookshank 
& Johnston. He died in 1815, in his forty-ninth year. 

James Hendricks, hardware merchant; kept a store many years 
corner of King and Cross Streets; son of Loyalist Conrad Hendricks. 
He was one of the largest direct importers from England of English and 
Scottish goods. Thomas McAvity entered his employ in 1824 and re- 
mained with the firm till 1836. Mr. Hendricks was President of the St. 
George's 'Society 1829 to 1831. 

David Merritt, Loyalist; many years a respectable merchant; 
died 16th June,1828, aged 64. His wife was a daughter of William H. 
Smith, Surgeon. His store was at this time on the north side of Market 
Square, three stories and an attic. 

George McCall, a Loyalist — a native of Dumfries, Scotland. He 
drew the lot on which the City Hall now stands. He was in business 
with James Codner, and in the Royal St. John's Gazette and Nova Scotia 
Intelligencer of 29th January, 1784, their advertisement locates the firm 
"in King Street, a little above the landing place in the Upper Cove." He 
died 30th March, 1812, in his seventy-eighth year. 

John Sangster, no record found of him, except that he took out 
his Freedom in 1804. 

Wm. Donaldson, a Virginia Loyalist, came with Loyalists to Shel- 
burne. N. 'S., then to St. John; many years a merchant; his losses, in 


consequence of his loyalty to British Crown, were estimated at £3,000. 
Wrote much in favour of New Brunswick as a place of settlement. Was 
engaged in business at St, John, and with William Garden as a partner 
at Fredericton. Was unfortunate, and obliged to leave the Province 
because of business failures. He is frequently mentioned in the Winslow 
1 'a pers. Died at the Island of Jamaica 18th December, 1819. 

Ezl. Barlow. — He became the purchaser of the lot on the corner of 
King Street and Market Square, now occupied by the Western Union, 
from which the locality got its name, "Barlow's Corner." The price 
wae £2,OQ0 in Mexican dollars, the purchaser wheeling the money in 
two loads to the lawyer's office. He was a grocer and tea merchant, One 
of the first Directors of the Bank of New Brunswick. 

Hon. William Black, brother of John Black mentioned above. He 
came to St. John in 1798 to visit his brother and to recruit his health. 
Was a graduate of Aberdeen University and had intended taking Holy 
Orders. He finally went into his brother's counting house. When John 
Black went to Halifax he left the St. John business in charge of his 
brother William, with Lauchlan Donaldson, Lewis Bliss, Alexander 
Wedderburn and George Matthews as clerks. Wm. Black was appointed 
to a seat in the Executive Council in 1818, and became President od: the 
Council and Administrator of the Government in 1829. He died at 
Fredericton in 1866 at the age of 96 years. 

Ki'.x. B. Gunter, merchant in 'St. John — took out his Freedom 1806. 

William Donaldson, Jr.. a son of William Donaldson mentioned 
above. lie with Arthur Dingwall and Hugh Johnston, were afterwards 
William Donaldson's Executors. 

John Dean, a merchant in St. John. In 1802 he was a member of 
the Common Council. Died 21st July, 1835. 

Alex. LTmphret took out his Freedom 1795. A merchant of the 
firm of Umphrey & Berton, north side of the Market Square. 

Caleb Merritt, a Xew York Loyalist. Settled at first in Carleton, 
afterwards lived on King Street between Cross and Prince Wm. Streets. 
Stepfather of Closes II. jPerley. Died 5th August, 1821, aged 58. 

Peteb Blair was a member of the Common Council in 1801 and 
evidently quite a loading citizen as his name occurs in various capaci- 
ties in the newspapers of the day. 


Alex Reid, a Loyalist. A candidate for election to the House of 
Assembly at the first general election. Was a well-known merchant; 
his store near the foot of King Street, south side. Died November 11th 
1S1 1 aged 58. 

Geo. Leonard. ,)]{.. an Attorney-at-Law in St. John. A son of the 
lion. George Leonard of 'Sussex, N. B. He at one time represented 
Kings County in the House of Assembly. He was drowned in the Creek 
at Sussex, October 14th, 1818. 

John Chaloner, Registrar of Wills and Deeds, St. John, son of 
Walter Chaloner, Loyalist, formerly High Sheriff of Newport, Rhode 
Island. Mr. Chaloner was one of St. John's first auctioneers. He 
advertised to be sold at the house of General Benedict Arnold, King St., 
on the 22nd September, 1791, such a collection of furnishings as would 
have drawn together at the present day bidders from all parts of the 
world. See "Judges of Xew Brunswick and their Times," p. 69. He- 
died 11th April, 1827. 

John Colvill bad a. wharf and stores on St, John 'Street (Water 
St.). Was employed under Government in forwarding the Loyalists up 
the River St. John in small craft. He was the first Captain of the first 
Company of Volunteer Artillery established in St. John and Alderman 
for Kings Ward ; founder of commercial firm of Crookshank & Johnston. 
Lived in the Crookshank house, erected in 1784, the material of which 
was brought to this City by packet. Mr. Colvill's wife was a daughter 
of Captain Geo. Crookshank, father of Andrew Crookshank of the firm 
just mentioned. Died 1808, in his seventieth year. 

T. Gilbert, probably Thomas H. Gilbert, He and his brother 
Henry were sons of Bradford Gilbert, a Loyalist; he, the son of Colonel 
Thomas Gilbert who fought in the Revolutionary War. Thomas If. died 
young, unmarried. 

John Woodward, a son of Isaac Woodward, Sr., a merchant, John 
Woodward's son was afterwards Mayor of St. John. 

Francis Watson took out his Freedom 1785, as a Carpenter, a Loya- 

Saml. Wiggins, bob of John Wiggins, a Loyalist, brother of 'Stephen 
Wiggins. A merchant who imported his goods from England and adver 


tised them in the old newspapers. His daughter married John M. 
Wihnoi. Mayor of St. John in 1833; her son, Hon. R. D. Wilmot, was 
Lieut. Governor of the Province. 

Edward Sands, a Loyalist. Merchant in St. John. Was at one 
time a member of the House of Assembly. He died in 1805. 

Abel Hardenbrook, a Loyalist. Was a member of the first Fire 
I 'ompany formed at St. John. Served on Grand Juries, and was a very 
useful citizen. Died 29th Januar} T , 1814, aged 58 years. 

Michael Ryan, a Printer. Born in Parrtown in 1784, son of John 
Ryan. Published the ,'NeW Brunswick Chronicle in 1804. In 1806, the 
Fredericton Telegraph. This being at a period before the discovery of 
electric telegraphy, the most rapid means of communication then known 
was through a system of signalling from hill top to hill top, and this was 
designated the telegraph. The Fredericton Telegraph was a three 
column paper, size of page, 10 by 13 inches. It did not prove a success 
and was early abandoned. In 1809 Michael Ryan went to Barbadoes and 
established the Barbadoes Globe. Was lost at sea in 1829, while return- 
ing frnin a visit to his parents. His widow continued editress of the 


John Russell Armstrong. 

m:w bhunswick historical society. 79 




Benjamin Marston was born in Salem, Massachusetts, on the 30th 
September, 1730. He was the third of the "three Benjamins of Salem/' 
concerning whom fhe Rev. John Watson has left us some very interesting 

The first of the Marstons in America was John Marston, who' came 
from Ormesby, town of Yarmouth, Norfolk Co., England, in the year 
1637, in the ship "Rose"' of Yarmouth. He married, a few years after 
his arrival in America, Alice Eden, who came from the same place and 
in the same vessel as her husband. Their fourth son, born at Salem, 
January 0, 1651, was the first of the "three Benjamins. 7 ' This son was 
twice married. His first child by the second wife, whose maiden name 
was Patience Rogers, was the second Benjamin Marston, afterwards 
known as Colonel Marston. He was born on the 24th February, 1697, 
graduated at Harvard in 1715, was colonel of militia, a justice of the 
peace, and at one time a representative of Salem in the General Court 
of Massachusetts Bay. In 1737 he was high sheriff of the County of 
Essex. Like his father he was twice married, but all his children were 
by his second wife, who was a daughter of the Honorable Isaac Winslow 
of Marshfield, and a great-grand-daughter of Edward Winslow, the May- 
flower pilgrim, and first governor of Plymouth colony.** 

*See Xew England Historical and Genealogical Register, Vol. XXVII, 3873. 

♦♦Elizabeth Winslow, who married Benjamin Marston, Jr., was a sister of 
Edward Winslow, who died in Halifax. June 9, 1784, and was buried in the old 
burial ground opposite Government House. Tine inscription on his tombstone 
reads as follows: 



The Memory 


EDWARD winslow. Esquire. 

who died the 9th of June. 1784, in the 72nd year of his age. Descended from a race 
of ancestor*. (lOYernora of the Ancient Colony of Plvrnonth, he in do instance 


The first child of Colonel Marston, born at Salem, September 30,. 
L730, vras the third Benjamin Marston, the hero of our story. He was 
educated at Harvard College, where he took his B. A. degree in 1749. 
On NovemDer 1*3, 1755, he married Sarah Swett, a daughter of Joseph 
Swetl of Marblehead. This circumstance seems to have led to his 
engaging in business at Marblehead as a merchant, in Company with 
Robert Hooper and Jeremiah Lee, whose wives were also daughters of 
Joseph Swett. The business prospered, and Benjamin Marston was 
soon surrounded with every comfort heart could wish. In addition to 
his business at Marblehead he owned property in Manchester and 'Salem. 
He bore an excellent reputation among his townsmen for integrity and 
enterprise, and in his private capacity was acknowledged to be kind- 
hearted, social and hospitable. He was a popular leader in matters 
pertaining to the public welfare. In the course of eight years, prior to 
the Revolution, he was chosen moderator fourteen times, was repeatedly 
elected a selectman, and filled various other positions of public trust. 
Three of his sisters, Elizabeth, Patience and Lucia, married respectively 
William, Elkanah, and John Watson. The Watsons were natives of; 
Plymouth; William and Elkanah were brothers. Among their descend- 
ants will be found many persons whose names are honored in the pages 
of United States history. 

Benjamin Marston was a Tory of the olden time, and in the Revolu- 
tion a sturdy adherent of the royal cause. He was the only one of his 
name who came out in avowed opposition to the proceedings of the 
American Congress. In consequence he soon found himself very un- 
popular with the majority of his townsmen. His was one of the many 
sad instances in which the ties of life-long friendship were severed by 
the unnatural contest between the mother county and her old colonies — 
a contest in which neighbor often fought with neighbor, and brother 
sometimes fought with brother. 

As early as the year 1774, the air was filled with mutterings of the 
coming storm. Royal folly in England and demagogic fantaticism in 

degenerated from their loyalty or virtue, but while he filled the first offices be- 
came as conspicuous by public integrity as he was amiable in the milder shades 
of private lifo. Although his fortunes suffered shipwreck in the storm of civil 
war, and he forsook his native country from an attachment to his Sovereign, 
neither his cheerful manners nor the calm reward of conscious rectitude forsook 
him in old age. He died as he lived, beloved by his friends and respected by his 


America joined hands to prevent a peaceable solution of the difficulties 
that had arisen, brought about a bloody war, and finally effected a termi- 
nation of the quarrel unlooked for by either party at its commencement. 
Ben. Marston was a man of courage, as well as of pronounced opinions, 
and did not hesitate to show his colors. Tie was one of those who signed 
the loyal address to Thomas Hutchinson, the last Royal governor of 
Massachusetts, and by so doing placed himself on record in a way his 
"deluded countrymen," as he terms them, were not likely to forget in the 
hour of their triumph. 

Op to the commencement of the Revolution, the life of Ben. Marston 
had been the uneventful life of a prosperous merchant in a small New 
England town, but henceforth his career was destined to he singularly 
chequered and adventurous. 

While the details of his early life are scanty and uninteresting, the 
materials afforded by his versatile pen for tracing the story of his ad- 
ventures by land and sea during the Revolutionary war, and, indeed, 
down to the close of his life in 1792, are so abundant that the difficulty 
confronting his biographer is one of selection and arrangement rather 
than of a dearth of materials. In view of the fact that the prime object 
of this Society is the accumulation of materials relating to the early 
historv of the Maritime Provinces, it will be necessary to restrain a 
natural predilection to linger over the experiences, romantic, sentimental, 
and sometimes grotesque, of which Ben. Marston figures sometimes as 
the hero and sometimes as the victim. The personality of the man, how- 
ever, demands a little further consideration before we enter on the story 
of his remarkable career. 

That Marston was a man of education and refinement is 
indicated by his standing as a graduate of Harvard University. 
So far as we are able to determine his character, from a study 
of his letters and diary, he seems to have been a man of generous spirit 
and sanguine disposition; a warm friend, and his resentments not lasting; 
always inclined to look on the bright side of things, and blessed with 
great expectations in spite of many misfortunes and disappointments. 
He was possessed of a vigorous constitution, active mind and habits, was 
a lover of good society, and a devoted admirer of the ladies, something 
of an artist, and something of a poet, equally at home in navigating a 
ship or in laying out a town, at one time a merchant, at another a soldier, 
at another a surveyor, at another a civil magistrate, in fact, "everything 
by starts and nothing long." 


Among his Massachusetts friends and contemporaries were such 
nun as Sir John Wentworth, General Timothy liuggles, Sampson Salter 
Blowers, Ward Chipman, Jonathan Bliss, Joshua Upham, the Sewalls, 
Putnanis. and Winslows, many of them, like himself, graduates of Har- 
vard ( !ollege. To this class of men an American writer, in a recent num- 
ber of the Atlantic Monthly, does tardy justice in the words following: 

"We look in vain amongst the list of banished Loyalists for a 
Massachusetts name on which there rests any tradition of disgrace, while 
there were many who are known to have been among the best citizens of 
their respective communities. Cambridge lost nearly all her men of 
mark and high standing, except those immediately connected with the 
College, and there were many of our country towns that were bereft of 
the very persons that had been most honored and revered. Among the 
exiles were nearly one hundred graduates of Harvard, and, while we make 
no exclusive claim for the College, if the character of those men for in- 
telligence and virtue was not below the average character of Harvard 
graduates in cur time, they must have been no small loss to the infant 
state. Among the proscribed and banished were members of the old 
historic families, the founders of New England, the Saltonstalls, the 
Sewalls, the Winslows, and others, families of which the exiled members 
were not one whit behind those that remained in intelligence, respee- 
ability and moral worth." 

Not long after the commencement of hostilities at Lexington, Ben. 
Marston found himself in such ill odor with .the majority of his neighbors 
in Marblehead, that he was obliged to flee for safety to the British 
garrison in Boston, leaving his property in charge of his wife, who died 
not long after. His nephew, Marston Watson, was chosen as agent for 
the estate, but when Mr. Marston was proscribed and banished, all his 
property was confiscated. The circumstances under which he left Mar- 
blehead are mentioned in several of his letters. Writing from Boston, 
February 17, 1776, to Eobert Anderson & Co., of G-ibralter, with whom 
he had had some business, he says: 

"Your fav'r 23 June last I rec'd in this Garrison, to which I re- 
treated about 3 months ago to prevent my being forced into Rebellion 
bv my deluded countrymen." 

He goes on to speak of a vessel whicn had carried a cargo of rice to 
fribralter, in which he had an interest, and continues: 


"Messrs. Gallaison, Orne and myself were in partnership in tiie 
brig- and cargo, which this unhappy civil war has now broke up forever. 
I have retreated to this garrison for protection. All America is in the 
most deplorable condition. Trade wholly at an end, and next summer 
will give my deluded countrymen some idea what it is to live in a country 
which is the seat of war. God send us once more peace and good govern- 

In another letter of the same date, he writes: 

"I am now a Refugee in this Garrison, into which I came ye 24th 
Xovember last, having left all I had behind me, being obliged to come 
off suddenly, and in ye night. I have been able to collect about £250 
ster. since I got in, and that I am at present endeavoring to employ on 
a voiage to ye West Indies for sundry articles far ye use of the army 
and navy here." 

Marston's plans were entirely changed by the evacuation of Boston 
four weeks later, and he retired with the British forces to Halifax. 
He decided to try the sea, and in conjunction with Doctor John Prince 
of Halifax and George Ervin, an English merchant, undertook "an ad- 
venture in ye schooner Earl Percy." Marston had one third of the 
cargo and "outsetts." It is at this stage that he begins his diary, which 
lie continued, with brief periods of intermission, until he left America 
for England in 1787. The diary fills three good-sized manuscript books 
— about 500 pages in all — and we are indebted to it for most of the facts 
recorded in this paper. 

General Howe having been ordered to proceed from Halifax to New 
York with his army, Marston concluded to sail at the same time, in order 
to have the protection of the fleet during the first part of his voyage. 
Quotations will now be made freely from his diary. 

"June 10, 1776, sailed from Halifax in the schooner Earl Percy, 
-Xath. Atkins, master, for Dominica. The fleet and army under Admiral 
Snuldham and General Howe sailed the same day for New York. Ar- 
rived at Roseau in Dominica after 40 days passage. The long passage 
and the ill condition my cargo was shipped in hurt it very much, it being 
chiefly fish, so that I made but an indifferent sale." 

On the return voyage Marston had the misfortune to be taken by an 
American privateer "of 6 carriage and 8 swivel guns," called the Eagle, 
which was returning from a cruise on the Grand Banks. This was 
particularly annoying, for a few hours would have seen the Earl Percy 
safe, anchored in Halifax Harbor. The captain of the privateer, Elijah 


Freeman Paine, carried his prize into Plymouth, and Marston found 
himself in the midst of his old neighbors and relations. His reception 
was not a cordial one. The day after his arrival he was examined by 
the Committee of safety, and committed unceremoniously to jail. How- 
e< i r, his brothers-in-law, John and William Watson, became his bail, and 
the place of his confinement was changed to his brother-in-law William 
Watson's house. Marston in his diary gives a sarcastic description of 
the individuals composing the Plymouth Committee of Safety : 

1. "Deacon Tory, Chairman, a true Deacon. 

2. Captain Weston; he owes his existence to the very people he is 
now insulting. His wig and head would completely fill a corn basket. 

3. Deacon Diamond, a pious whining body. 

4. Mr. Drew, a gentlemen with a ragged jacket and, I think, a 
leather apron. 

5. * * * somebody I could not see, he sat in ye dark, and I 
forget his name. 

6. Silas Bartlett, a good sort of a man, made a tool of to serve 
the purpose of ye occasion. 

7. Mr. Mayhew, a simpering how-do-you-do-sorry-for-your-loss 
kind of a body. 

8. D. Lorthrop, one that has been handsomely and kindly enter- 
tained at my house. He can do dirty work. 

9. Mr. Croswell, a youngish looking kind of a body. 

These were all met together at Mr. Mayhew's, with one accord, and 
were all of one mind — and so they ordered me to prison." 

Ben. Marston' s "gaite de coeur" enabled him to take a cheerful view 
of the situation. He writes to Doctor Prince, on November 14, 1776 : 

"I am in perfect health, in danger of growing too fat through idle- 
ness and good living. I am confined to a private house with liberty of 
ye yard and garden, and of going to meeting on Sunday. The sea agrees 
very well with me, and, upon the whole, is not a disagreeable way of life. 
1 have been very happy in Capt. Atkins and Mr. Brewster. They are 
both of them honest, trusty, and in their way capable men, especially 
Atkins ; had I a ship of gold I would give him the command of her. 
Cagsar (the black fellow) has fairly beat us all, he would in spite of all 
reasonable methods be a lying, lazy, careless, dirty dog. * * * * 
Having no opportunity to write to England, I pray you will inform Mr. 
Ervin of everything that is needful for him to know. If I should be 
able to get my liberty and should come to Halifax, would you venture a 
second time to employ so unlucky a fellow ?" 


Like many others of his generation Ben. Marston had a prospensity 
fas rhyming, his productions being no better and no worse than the 
majority of his contemporaries. During 'his confinement at Plymouth, 
he sought to vary the monotony of life by writing the following stanzas 
to his friend, Stephen Sewall. 

"These few lines come to let you know 

That I am well, hope you are so — 

The true style this epistolary 

From which good writers ne'er should vary — 

Likewise to give you information 

Of my present situation; 

Quite unlike yours, who now at ease 

Can ramble wheresoe'er you please, 

in town or out, on foot or nag on, 

To Church, to Burdick's or ye Dragon; 

While I poor D 1 am here confined 

(A state which no way suits my mind) 
For being — you all know ye story — 
A sad incorrigable Tory, 
However e'en so let it run, 
'Tis a d — - — d long lane that has no turn, 
And when ye tide has all ebb'd out 
The next thing 't does 'twill turn about 
And flow as high — nay sometimes more — 
As it low water was before." 

Our hero continues at some length in this cheerful strain, adding, 
with becoming frankness, the confession : 

'"But \C it uoul'l some comfort I e 
If I couUl but an olH friend see." 

Marston writes in his diary, under date 24th November, 1776 : 

"It is a year this day since I left Marblehead and went into Boston, 
in which time I have seen more variety than in all my life before. I 
have lived in a town besieged, on board ships, both of war and others, 
have been at sea, in ve West Indies, have been in ye woods, have travelled 
by land and carried my baggage on my back, have been taken and am 
now in prison, not worth a groat — whence I conclude that health of body 
and peace of mind are more essential to human happiness than either 
riches or honours. I thank heaven I am amply possessed of ye two first." 

Marston' s anticipations were that the rebellion would soon end in 
utter failure, and he considered the prospects of his "deluded country- 
men' 7 as most unpromising. He writes in his diary, about this time: 

"Salt is now abcut 10 shillings ster. per bushel; flour about 6 dol- 
lars per cwt. : woolen* and linnens are scarcely to be had. And yet this 


miserably deceived people are made to believe they can support inde- 
pendency. Bread corn has got to a price which was hardly ever known 
of in times o( greatest dearth, and yet there was scarcely ever better crops. 
What will it be next spring, the time this Province (State I mean — I beg 
pardon) was to receive some hundreds of thousand bushels of grain from 
the Southern Provinces? There is now an order for draughting every 
fourth man to relieve the army, whose term of service is within a few days 
of expiring. What a miserable figure must such a new-raised, raw, 
undiciplined, unprovided body of people make when opposed to experi- 
enced veteran troops, well provided with everything necessary to live in 
the field, and commanded by officers and a general who have acquired the 
knowledge and skill in the art of war by long service and by being en- 
gaged against the best troops in the world — excepting the British. Their 
infatuation is beyond all example. God have mercy upon them and open 
their eyes. Their army is now broken to pieces. Their general is not 
to be found — so that General Howe has been obliged to send to the 
Governor of Connecticut about an exchange of prisoners, of whom he has 
great numbers. They have likewise lost a very great part of their can- 
non, tents and baggage. And yet the managers of the game in this 
Province (Massachusetts) affect to talk in high style — still push the 
draughting of every fourth man to relieve the army, who are every day 
running home, sick, lowzy, ragged and full of all manner of nastiness. 
Xay, General Washington, who moves the puppets of this place, has the 
effrontry to give out that a French Fleet and Army will be over early in 
the Spring. A Fleet from France ! There will be one from the Moon 
as soon. 'Strange stupidity to expect assistance from that quarter, for 
can it be thought that any European power who has colonies in America 
would lend a, helping hand to form an independent State here, so large 
as the British Colonies would make if all united?" 

"(10 years afterwards) I find in this I was much out in my guess." 

On the 18th December, after nearly three months confinement, he 
was given liberty of the town by the Committee of Safety. "They have 
done it," he says, "unasked by me, perhaps I am obliged to Brother Wat- 
son for it — if I am it is generous of him." 

The Plymouth Committee, however, did not relish the presence of 
so pronounced a Tory, and ere long Marston was informed that if he 
did not leave the town he must again be confined. He was allowed to 
go to Boston, where arrangements were made for his exchange, and after 
a flying visit to Marblehead, he sailed on March 9, 1777, in a cartel 
vessel for Halifax, where he arrived safely after a four days' passage. 

Before leaving [Nova Scotia for the West Indies, Marston seems to 
have been deeply smitten with the charms of a young lady of Windsor— 


a Miss Eliza C (the surname I have not been able to discover), and 

to her there are frequent allusions in the pages of his journal. Concern- 
ing this fair one, he writes in a letter to his sister, Lucia Watson: 

"Hope still remains, and although I do not pretend the least engage- 
ment or promise in my own favour, yet I know there is none, nor any 
prejudice, in favour of any other — of this I am at present assured. The 
grave folk, should they see this, would doubtless think me a very ridicul- 
ous fellow to be thus earnestly engaged in such (as they would call it) a 
frivolous pursuit, and you, my good sister, will perhaps smile at your 
brother to see him a second time so entirely engrossed by the tender pas- 
sion. But all this would, not cool my ardor, for I frankly confess that 
I do (and always did) look on a sensible, well-bred, accomplished persou 
of your sex, as the most valuable thing the world has in it." 

On his arrival at Halifax, Marston was quite delighted to find his 
lady friend there, and he states in his diary, "The pleasure of agajn 
seeing that dear girl has abundantly rewarded me for all ye disagreeable 
feelings of a six months' imprisonment." 

A few weeks later, on the eve of again embarking for the West 
Tndies, lie wrote some stanzas for the delectation of his fair friend, of 
which these are the opening lines: 

"Eliza, dearest maid, farewell ! 

From you I now must part, 
Leave you in Halifax to dwell, 

And ply the seaman's art; 
And we a very different scene 

Around us shall survey, 
You, beaus in red, in brown, in green, 

I monsters of the sea." 

Marston arrived safely in the West Tndies, and sailed from thence 
for Philadelphia, w-hich was then in the occupation of the British forces! 
He wrote from Philadelphia to Dr. Prince, March 8, 1778 : 

"Had I been ever so desirous of leaving this place it has not been in 
my power to do it. About a fortnight after my arrival, an embargo took 
place, which is not yet expired, nor will it until the men of war can take 
their stations, which, as ye ice is all gone, 'tis supposed they will do in 
a week or ten days. T look upon it that my return will be much safer, 
(on account of privateers), some time hence than now, because the 
cruisers will then begin to take their stations." 

He gives interesting particulars of the state of affairs at Phila- 
delphia, which need not be considered in this paper. He sailed for Hali- 


fax in May, in the schooner Poll}, arriving on the 18th of the same 

The next entry in his diary relates to a voyage in another direction. 
He writes on the 10th July, 1778 : 

"1*111 now afloat again, and the following is my journal of a voyage 
from Halifax to St. Johns, Newfoundland, in the good schooner Polly, 
belonging to John Prince, merchant in Halifax." 

The voyage occupied six days, and was made in company with four 
other vessels under convoy of the war ship "Sophia," Nine days later 
he sailed from Newfoundland with a cargo of fish for St. Kitts, in com- 
pany with "a letter of marque hrig of 12 guns" and another brig. In 
the course of the voyage they separated, and the Polly had the misfortune 
to he captured by the Yankee privateer "General Gates," of 16 guns, 
after a chase of six hours, in the course of which the wind died away and 
and the privateer by means of oars overhauled the schooner. Marston 
arrived at Boston the last day of August, and was consigned to the guard 
strip. The next day he was relieved from his disagreeable situation and 
taken to the house of an old friend, Samuel White, where he was allowed 
liberty of the house and grounds. This freedom, however, was not in 
accord with the ideas of his personal enemies, whose vindictiveness soon 
brought about a change of which we learn from the following entry in 
his diary: 

"Tuesday, September 8. After living a week very agreeably at my 
friend White's, I was this day suddenly ordered to go immediately on 
board the prison strip. This I owe to the littleness of mind of some per- 
son at Marblehead, who wrote to ye Council to inform them that I was 
such an inveterate enemy to ye Country that it would be dangerous for 
me to be at large." 

Marston spent ten days on board the prison ship, and at the expira- 
tion of his confinement, writes: — "I have learned that a man may enjoy 
himself even in prison." A few days later he and 170 other prisoners 
were exchanged and sent in a cartel to Halifax, where they arrived, after 
a stormy passage, on the 27th September. He writes in his diary: 

"Went on shore and took lodgings at my old quarters at Miss Lyde's 
— so end's my second captivity." 

Having lost his all, Marston was now thrown upon his natural 
resources. He accordingly decided to go as super cargo for Benjamin 


Mulberry Holmes, of Halifax, in the brig Ajax to 'Surinam. The vessel 
sailed on the 6th December, with David Mowat as master, and had a 
very boisterous passage, losing foremast, main-topmast, bowsprit, boats, 
anchor, 3 deck guns, and one man washed overboard and drowned. Five 
weeks after the occurrence of the gale that caused the damage, the Ajax 
gojl into St. Eustatius. Finding a good market there, Marston sold his 
onriiv and proceeded to refit. Delay was caused by the difficulty of ob- 
taining a suitable mast. This led to the following monologue: 

"Could I with a wish waft hither one of the many thousands of use- 
3E trees, which are now standing in the woods of Nova 'Scotia, 'twould 
be of more value than whole acres of them in their present situation. 
The same faculty of obtaining our desires by a wish only would be one 
of the most convenient things on earth, but, like the philosopher's stone 
it ought only to be put into very discreet hands, who would use it very 
judiciously. This they would have to do for their own peace sake, other- 
wise they would be more pestered than a prime-minister, though that 
individual would always have it in his power to get rid of troublesome 
suitors by wishing them all to ye d — L" 

While he was at St. Eustatius, Marston had ample opportunity of 
making a study of the place and of its inhabitants. His remarks are 
clever and amusing, but the limits to which this paper must be confined 
bids us pass on. 

On the 20th March, 1779, he sailed for Santa Cruz. His description 
of that island is of sufficient importance to be inserted: 

"This island belongs to the King of Denmark, but nine-tenths of 
the inhabitants are British and Dutch subjects. Strangers coming into 
this island are inspected by the officers of Government like other goods. 
* * * Natural Danes coming hither find themselves in a strange 
country, though in the dominions of their Prince. All religions are 
tolerated here, and besides the Danish Church there are the Church of 
England, a Presbyterian congregation, a Dutch Church, the Roman 
( atholicks, a Quaker meeting house, and a Moravian preacher. The 
last is intended principally, if not totally, for the slaves, over whom he 
has great influence, and whom he keeps in very good order * * * * 
I saw here a cargo of these poor creatures landed out of a King's ship 
(for it seems his Danish majesty is a merchant as well as a King), drove 
like so many cattle to a large yard, men and women, boys and girls all 
together, each as naked as God made them, saving a piece of coarse linen 
just to cover what nature most commonly dictates to human creatures to 
hide. Each slave with a wooded tally tved upon it * * * Givai 


Grod ! what must be the feelings of a sensible human being to be torn 
from all that is reckoned valuable and dear, and to be condemned to the 
oust servile drudgery and infamous uses without the least hope of relief 

* * * If the Misses B , & L , & S , & G , with ye 

young Gentlemen of those families should be torn from their country 
and carried into perpetual servitude, we should see and feel the atrcci- 
ousness, the dreadfulness of the wrong. But as it is only Miss Yawyaw, 
& Miss Pawpee, & the young gentlemen Messrs. Quashee and Quomino, 
whose skins are black, whose hair stout and curled, whose noses 
flat and lips thick, why we think there can be no great harm in it. I 
fancy there is some mistake in ye very trite maxim 'that all men are by 
nature equal'* — if so, why such an inequality in their conditions. J Tis 
a phenomenon which Ominiscience only can account for — to Him I 
leave it." 

In his abhorrence of slavery Marston was in accord w?rh the senti- 
ments of the majority of the Massachusetts loyalists. The law courts, 
both of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, prove thai the influence of 
such men as Sampson Salter Blowers and Ward Chipman was always} 
exercised against the perpetuation of slavery ; but with many of the loya- 
lists of Xew York, Pennsylvania and the Carolimas the reverse was the 
case. The sentiments of Ben Marston were in advance of his time. 
He did not live to see the abolition of slavery in the English colonies, 
much less in the United States of America, and when he quoted ironi- 
cal ly the much vaunted words of the Declaration of Independence, he 
had little idea that the nation that inaugurated its career with such a 
declaration would have been found to tolerate slavery until near the 
clcse of a centur}- of national existence, and that the liberty of the slave 
would be purchased eventually at the cost of millions of dollars and 
half a million of human lives. 

I venture to quote one more passage from Marston' s journal at 
Santa Cruz : 

"X'hristianstoad, ye metropolis of ye island, is a pretty town, about 
two- thirds as large as Halifax. Like that, laid out in a regular manner, 
streets crossing each other at right angles. The streets wide, many of 
the houses in a grand style adorned with elegant piazzas and galleries. 
The general's house is ye most magnificent building I ever saw. I will- 
not attempt a verbal description of it; if I can I will take a view of it, 
Miifl instead of a verbal description of this bit of architecture, I will 

♦Quoted from the Declaration of independence. 


give a description of a Danish gentleman's shirt, which my land-lady 
shewed me. It consists of a forepart like our shirts, with a collar; the 
hind part reaches no lower than just below ye shoulders, and lest this 
should get above ye jacket or coat it is tyed round ye body by tape strings 
fastened to the two corners. The sleeves are not fastened to the body 
as with us, but have wrist bands at both ends, so that when one end is 
dirty you may shift it end for end, and, although you may not have ye 
comfort, you may have ye appearance of clean linnen. Over such shirts 
richly laced clothes are often worn. There is no people on earth who need 
to fear undressing before company so little as the English." 

Benjamin Marston returned to St. Eustatius, after spending nine 
days at Santa Cruz. He met quite a number of old acquaintances, 
adventurers like himself, several of whom 'had been captured by 
the numberless privateers that infested the Atlantic. One of the^ 
prisoners told him that a curious and unheard of method had been 
adopted at M'arblehead for determining who were Tories. A town meet- 
ing it seems was convened, and a list of all the male inhabitants was 
laid before the meeting. The question was then put: — "Is A. a Tory? 
If he is signify it by holding up of bands." In this manner they decided 
that about thirty persons were Tories. "This," observes Marston, "is 
being tried by one's peers with a vengeance." 

It was not until the 10th of April that the "Ajax" was ready to run 
the gauntlet of the privateers. This, happily She succeeded in doing,] 
and arrived safely at Halifax after a passage of 25 days. The hardi- 
hood of the privateers at this time was such as to render the presence of 
war ships at Halifax and in the Bay of Fundy a necessity. 

On June 14th, Marston writes: 

"This day a Rebel privateer followed a brig almost as far as Sambro 
Head and took her. The Howe and two other armed vessels came to 
sail and turned out. The prize being a heavy sailer and the wind blow- 
ing almost right in, the privateer thought best to quit her and got off by 
going out through the Ledger." 

An act of equal audacity is described under date September 16th: 

"About noon a small American schooner privateei took a large brig 
about four miles below Manger's beach, in sight of the whole town — for 
everybody was looking through their glasses and seeing ye American 
carrv off her prize unmolested. At last the commodore, the renowned 

Capt, 1 of the Defiance, ordered out some armed boats more than 

two hours later than they might have been. 'Tis amazing strange that 


noiw -iiiiManding the repeated insults of this kind no effectual method 
is taken to prevent it, when 'tis beyond all dispute that one Frigate and 
rwo armed schooners or sloops that were good sailors would be fully 
sutlieient. * * * The naval commanders on this station seem to be 
i he most brainless set of animals existing." 

Marston's journal at this period contains several items of local 
interest which doubtless made considerable stir in Halifax society. 

Siu'i were the following: 

'Friday, June 18, 1779. A duel was fought between a Captain 
Buskirk* of the Orange Hangers and a Mr. Crawford, an Apothecary's 
mate of the (iarrison, in which the latter was killed on ye spot." 

''Thursday, June 24. A few days ago Parson Bailey with his family 
came into this place from the eastern part of New England. He and his 
family were almost naked, being reduced to mere wretchedness for want 
of eleathing, and had suffered every hardships for want of necessary 
articles of food. They had seen no bread of any kind for three weeks 
before they left home. Fortunately for him, "the Assembly of this Pro- 
vinee were sitting when he arrived; they voted him £50 out of the Pub- 
lick Treasury, and the commander of the troops has ordered him rations 
for himself and family."** 

"Tuesday, July 13. This day the Blonde sailed for New York. 
On Sunday the Falcon went out to look after some Rebel Privateers 
which had appeared off the mouth of the harbor, which is a very common 
think for them to do." 

The operatic ns at Penobscot in 1779 were amongst the most brilliant 
successes of the British arms during the war. The people of Nova Scotia 
took the greatest interest in these operations, and there can be little 
doubt that if General McLean's occupation of Penobscot had been fol- 
lowed by the capture of Machias the consequences might have been of 
very great importance to the Maritime Provinces of Canada. The 
British government would at least "have had oportunity to lay claim to 
the country as far west as the Kennebec river, on the ground of occupa- 
tion. A large number of Loyalists were living at Penobscot at the close 
of the war under protection of the British post there established. 

♦Probably Capt Lawrence Van Buskirk, whose commission in the Kings Orange 
Rangers is dated in the year 1777. The Orange Rangers were raised by Col. John 
Bayard of Orange County, New York. See Collections. Vol. II. p. 218. 

**There is a very full account of Rev. Jacob Bailey and his persecutions during 
the war of the Revolution in Bartlett's "Frontier Missionary," published at Boston 
in 1853. Many of his manuscripts are preserved in the hands of members of the 
Whitman family, living near Annapolis, and in them is valuable material for local 

\i:\v muxswicK iiistoiucal SOCIETY. 93 

In his diary Marston mentions the departure of the expedition to 
Peaobseott under General McLean, and the subsequent establishment of 
the fortified post at Castine, or, as it was then called, Mega Bagaduce. 
On July 30, he writes : 

"General McLean is attacked in his post at Penobscot.* He can 
have no relief from this place till the reinforcement arrives from Eng- 
land : whether he can support himself till that comes, little people can- 
not tell. However there are new some ships in sight which we hope 
are that fleet. The state of the people's minds in Halifax is disagreeable 
enough — 'tis a state of uncertainty and suspense, wnich is constantly 
kept up by ten thousand different reports, so many of which prove false 
that an impartial observer would be inclined to think there was an actual 
combination to impose upon and deceive each other/' 

On the 20th of August the apprehensions of the people of Halifax 
as to General McLean's safety were in some measure lessened by the 
arrival of a "Rebel Privateer" that had been taken ten days before. 
From the crew of the captured vessel it was learned that the Eaisonable 
and seven British frigates had sailed from New York to the relief cf the 
post at Penobscot. It was a fortunate thing for General McLean that 
Admiral Collier acted so promptly, for the steps taken by the naval com- 
mander at Halifax were too tardy to have proved of the slightest 
service. A fleet did at length sail from Halifax with troops and stores, 
and, to the disgust of those who witnessed its departure, returned in 
about a week not having sighted its destination. Ben Marston writes 
in high dudgeon : 

"What a stupid piece cf conduct was C y guilty of, who com- 
manded the fleet which went with relief for General McLean. When 
it was known that ye General's situation was exceedingly dangerous, to 
return to Halifax with his whole fleet because he carried away his main 
and mizzen topmasts and had hurt his main top in a gale, and this when 
not more than 30 leagues from Penobscot with a fair wind ! Stupid, 
very stupid fellows!" 

Fortunately General McLean had been relieved from his peril by 
Sir George Collier nine days before the ships left Halifax. The news 

*Gen'l McLean had 650 troops. The Americans attacked his post with a force of 
2,600 men, supported by a fleet of sixteen war vessels and twenty transports, 
manned by 1.940 seamen. Gen'l McLean, aided by the Loyalists who had joined 
him in considerable numbers, held his post for three weeks, when he was relieved 
by the arrival of Admiral Collier. The British lost about 70 in killed, wounded and 
missing. The American loss was computed at 474 in all. 



of the relief of Penobscot did not get to Halifax until the end of August, 
seventeen days after the event. Marston's diary is of much interest at 
this juncture : 

"Tuesday August 31, 1779. Yesterday we were cnagrined with the 
return of the fleet destined to relieve General McLean, today we are 
cheered with an account that 'Sir George Collier had arrived and sunk 
mid taken a number of the Rebel ships of war and transports and drove 
the rest up the river. That the Bebels still continued the siege. 

"Tuesday afternoon. The Nautilus from Penobscot has made the 
account of affairs there certain beyond all doubt. The whole Eebel fleet 
are taken and destroyed, not a boat has escaped. Their land forces are 
routed and dispersed. Their artillery and camp equipage are left behind. 
They have now to get home as well as they can afoot through the woods. 
The behaviour of the Rebels was shamefully cowardly. On the appear- 
ance of 3 Frigates only, their ships immediately betook themselves to 
flight up the river. Two were taken without any resistance. 

A list of their ships taken and destroyed is as follows, viz. : 

Weight of Shot 



G "" s ; is ii,s. 

12 lbs. 

nibs. 6 lbs. 

4 lbs. 



' 16" 




















:« 12 
















18 ... 


Sky Rocket 









14 .... 
if; .... 





P;t Has 

John Foster Williams 





\ schooner 

S ... 

In all all 18 vessels and 24 transports. Their loss about 200 killed. 
Sumner wounded uncertain. 

It seems hardly credible that the news of so important an event as 
this could have been seventeen days in getting to Halifax; but those were 
not the days of electric telegraph or rapid transit. Ben Marston natur- 
allv was much elated at Admiral Collier's success. He writes: 


"The defeat at Penobscot has chagrined the Rebels greatly. The 
destruction of so many ships of force is a very deeply felt loss and cannot 
soon he retrieved, if ever. They say that the puhlick may be assured that 
only two ships have fallen into the enemy's hands. That Admiral Sal ton- 
stall had taken effectual care to prevent their taking any more. Thei 
means he took were effectual indeed, for he burnt them all." 

Benjamin Maiston was a plain, blunt man, impul&ive, over-sanguine 
— sometimes visionary. These traits of character proved the source of 
many of his misfortunes. He was honest, if not very prudent, in the 
expression of his opinions, and his free criticism not unfrequently appeals 
to our sympathy, as for example when, under date 3rd October, 1779, 
he writes: 

"The administration of affairs in this place (Halifax) is curious. 
At the same time that the American Privateers are taking vessels 
within ye Light-house, there are ships of war and light armed 
vessels lying as quietly in the harbour as tho>' it was the profoundest 
peace. There is not even an attempt made to keep trie coast clear. But 
if any one animadverts freely on such stupid conduct they are very apt 
to brand him with ye name of disaffected. * * * 

* * * Some time ago there arrived here a Mr. H — si — p from Eng- 
land, formerly a merchant in Boston. He proposed going to New Eng- 
land, whore he has a family and an estate, but intended to go with the 
consent of those in authority. He is a man in years near 70, or upwards 
— one of no force, a mere money-getting genius. After being about 
town for some time he was taken up, and is now connned to a private 
house from whence he cannot go but in company with the Sheriff or his 
deputy, and all this, as report has it, for saying in company one day, 
that the Lord had left England and gone over to the Americans. And 
thus it is they exchange prisoners capable of being real mischief -doing 
enemies the minute they get home, and at the same time they detain a 
mere doating old man for saying a very stupid thing." 

But we must again follow Ben. Marston in his wanderings. On 
September 10. 1770, he embarked in the ship Keppell for Newfoundland. 
On the way out of the harbour the ship ran upon Thrum Cap shoal and 
had to return to Halifax, where six weeks were spent in making repairs. 
The Keppell was quite a large ship, carrying 20 guns, with a crew of 
75 to 100 men. She was commanded by Capt. Henry G-ooch and car- 
ried letters of marque. This entitled her, by the law of nations, to make 
reprisals on the enemy. She was to sail from Newfoundland to the West 
Tndies and thence to Europe. Marston designed to sell goods for Dr. 


-I oh n Prince. Benj. M. Holmes and himself at 'Surinam or any of thOf 
W T es1 India islands. British, Dutch or Danish, and then to purchase or 
charter a vessel to return in. The Keppell arrived safely at St. Johns, 
After a passage of nine days attended with hard gales. Two days after 
her arrival 80 merchant vessels sailed for Europe, under convoy of sev- 
eral British frigates. At this time provisions were scarce and dear at 
St. Johns, pork selling at £6 sterling per bbl. ; fish were plentiful, and 
could be obtained at 6 shillings per quintal from the merchants, and for 
less from the fisherman. 

A day or two after his arrival, Marston writes, in an interesting 
letter to a friend: 

"I have the pleasure to tell you that we have arrived here without 
any disaster, so that if there was a Jonah on board when we ran upon 
Thrum Cap, he is not with us now. I found my friends, Captains Brace 
and Rotton, in this place. They have met with great success in recruit- 
ing: so great that they are much embarrassed to find ships to transport 
their men from hence. At this time it is so very difficult that I believe 
Brace or Bcitton, and about fifty men, will go with us to the West Indies, 
and take the hazard of getting from thence to New York or Halifax. 
The several recruiting parties in this and the neighbouring harbours' 
have recruited TOO men, all fine stout fellows."* 

At this early period the trade between Newfoundland and the West 
Indies was considerable. Marston says that more than 40,000 quintals 
of fish had cleared from the port of St. Johns in the past few months, 
and at the time he was there the demand was so great that even with the 
large supply on hand the price was nearly doubled. Nearly all trade was 
carried on at great hazard, as will be seen from the following entry in 
his diary: 

"The Jamaica and Windward Island fleets arrived all safe, except 
9 sail, which our indefatigable watchful countrymen picked up." 

Marston describes St. Johns as "a very decent place, no excess," but 
he had not a very high opinion of Quiddy Viddy. 

•Captains James Brace and Robert Rotton belonged to the King's Orange 
Rangers, a loyalist regiment, raised chiefly in Orange County, New York, by Col. 
John Bayard and his brother, Major Samuel V. Bayard, about the close of 1776 The 
corps embarked at New York for Halifax, October 27, 1778, and was employed 
there in garrison duty until the end of the war. In the Autumn of 1781. Lieut -Col 
Jo>-n Bayard and Ensign William Carnell, with 2 sergeants and 2 privates w re 
shipwrecked on their way to Newfoundland, whither they had sailed for the pur- 
pose of recruiting. They went to England, returning again to Nova Scotia. 


"I wish," writes lie, "some of my Halifax friends, who grumble daily 
at their situation, could see the habitations of this miserable place; with- 
out windows, without ohimnies, the light of heaven coming in at ye same 
hofle which lets out ye smoke — and yet here the equal hand of Heaven 
gives happiness — even here they increase and multiply/' 

Marston's sojourn was at a very unfortunate season, let us hope, for 
the honor of the climate of Newfoundland. He continually speaks of 
"rriost execrable weather, foggy and dark, enough to make any one who 
is idle exceeding melancholy." And a little later — "Still most infamous 
wet, rainy, misty, dark and disagreeable weather." In this depressing 
situation his mind reverts to the fair Eliza, and on the 13th December 
he writes to Dr. Prince: 

"Should any fatal accident happen to me, Which heaven avert — for 
I wish for a particular reason to live a little longer — you will please to 
break up the packet I left in your care with my name upon it. It may 
possibly be of some advantage to one I highly value. This to yourself." 

In January the Keppell sailed for Jamaica, calling at St. Eustatius, 
where Marston sold his fish. He then took passage w> Halifax in the 
Hope, a brig of 120 tons, having invested the proceeds of his sales in 
sugar. He arrived safely on the 13th May, 1780, after eight months 

His next venture, undertaken in the course of a few weeks, was a 
voyage to St. Eustatius in Dr. Prince's schooner Patty. On the eve of 
sailing he very narrowly escaped death by suffocation in consequence of 
a fire started between decks by the carelessness of the crew, who had been 
drinking. The voyage proved a satisfactory one. The Patty left Hali- 
fax on the 22nd of June, arrived at St. Eustatius on the 20th of July, 
sailed again for Halifax the latter part of August, and arrived safely 
after a three weeks passage. The success that attended the last two 
voyages greatly improved the state of Marston' s finances, and with the 
co-operation of Dr. Prince, Henry Lloyd and Michael Wallace, he was 
enabled to purchase the schooner Ranger with the intention of making 
a voyage to Carolina. This was a somewhat hazardous undertaking, 
many vessels engaged in the business being captured by the American 
Privateers. However, the risk was not all on one side, for prizes were 
frequently brought by the Blonde and other war ships to Halifax, where 
their cargoes were sold at public auction. 


Under date November 22, 1780, Marston mentions the arrival of a 
mast ship from the River St. John This marks the beginning of the 
industry; known as "masting/'* which afterwards assumed large pro- 
portions in the Province of New Brunswick, and was the precursor of 
the great lumbering industry en which the commercial welfare of that 
Province so largely depends at the present day. 

About this time Marston's diary is rilled with groaning and moan- 
ing consequent upon an attack of Sciatica. The beginning of the year 
1781, however, found him sufficiently recovered to set out on his voyage 
to Carolina. He wrote to Lane Sons &Frazier, of London (with whom 
he generally effected insurance), that he expected to be back to Halifax 
by the first of March. As the event proved he did not return until nearly 
six months later, after an experience not soon be forgotten. His friends 
in Halifax learned something of the tribulations he experienced in the 
course of this voyage from a letter written at New York to Dr. Prince in 
the month of April : 

"I had a very long passage, as far as I went, owing in a great 
measure to the craziness of our ship, which thawed almost to pieces about 
n fortnight after I left Halifax. I did not know but last of all ttie 
planks would thaw from the timbers. The oakum came very plentifully 
out of all the seams, and more than once we were forced to partly dive 
to stop the cracks with tallow. Her rigging stood the warm weather as 
badly as her hull." 

The Hanger was captured on the 6th February, about 25 leagues 
from (Jharlestown, by the American privateer Ariel, Capt. Lawlor. 
Marston was sent to Philadelphia, where he lay in jail from, the 15th 
of February to the 22nd of March. The prison fare was scant, and the 
fuel insufficient. The sufferings of the prisoners, however, were allevi- 
ated by the benevolence of the citizens. Marston writes: 

"They are daily sending us fresh meat and vegetables, fruit, milk, 
eggs and goodies, without which those of us who are without money must 
have suffered for want of food." 

*William Davidson of Miramichi was the pioneer of the masting industry in 1779. 
under agreement made with the Lieut. Governor of Nova Scotia, Sir Richard Hughes. 
Another of the first concerns to engage in masting was that of Prancklin, Hazen & 
White. The senior partner of the firm, Colonel Michael Francklin, was for ten 
years lieutenant governor of Nova Scotia. William Hazen and James White are 
wfll known among the founders of St. John, N. B. 


lie particularly mentions the great kindness of the Quakers in pro- 
viding not only provisions but also clothes and comforts of various kinds 
for the sick and destitute. 

Marston's deliverance from confinement was due to the good offices of 
an Irishman named Collins, of whom he writes on March 22nd : 

"Today my friend Collins has obtained for me liberty to come and 
tarry at his house upon parole. He has been exceedingly friendly to 
me. As soon as he knew of my being a prisoner he came to see me, and 
every day sent me a plate from his table, and when he found that miy 
exchange would not take place soon he never ceased bis applications to 
the Board of Admiralty here till he obtained a parole for me." 

Upon his arrival at New York on the 7th of April, he found his 
schooner Ranger had been retaken by a King's ship a few days after 
her capture and brought to New York, where she was sold to a man 
belonging to Huntington, Long Island. He says, in his letter : "I 
shall keep a look out for her, as she is expected here, and shall reclaim 
her unless I should be able to lay out my money to better advantage in 
some other." 

While he was at New York, Marston visited Colonel Gabriel G-. 
Ludlow of Long Island and Lieut.-Col. Edward Winslow, muster-master 
general of the loyalist (or provincial) troops. Ludlow and Winslow 
subsequently filled very important positions in New Brunswick, and were 
in turn administrators of the government of that Province. 

On May 9th Marston purchased the Britannia, a small brig of 110 
tons, double decked, about 7 years old, New England built, that had been 
in the whaling business. He was obliged to spend some weeks in refit- 
ting her, during which he suffered constant annoyance in having his men 
seized by the press gang and carried on board the royal navy. In his 
journal, under date July 12th, he records an incident which gained for 
Major Joshua Upham and a number of Loyalists on Long Island, great 
credit : 

"Lloyd's Neck, Long Island, was attacked by the French; the party, 
covered by a 36 gun frigate and the Romulus and some armed vessels, 
were about 400. They were defeated by Major Upham, who commanded 
ye post at the Neck, with some loss. This post is of importance to the 
New York garrison, supplying it with great quantities of fuel, notwith- 
standing which it was ordered a few days ago to be evacuated by the 
troops who kept post there, and, but for the entreaties of the above men- 


tioned Major Upham would have been left with some thousands of cords 
of wood a prey to the enemy. He was permitted to take post there with 
about 100 to 150 refugees. With this handful, aided by the crews of 
some vessels who were there a wooding, he defeated the enemy who came 
to take possession of it. But notwithstanding the importance of the post, 
the people who have offered their services to keep it, and who have effect- 
ually defended it, cannot obtain even an allowance of rations, while at 
the same time a very elegant musick house is built at Fort George in New 
York, and subscriptions are taken at Rivington's office at a guinea a 
pieee to lay out a walk at the upper fort for the use of the military 

Joshua Upham, the hero of this spirited encounter, was afterwards 
a judge of the supreme court of New Brunswick. The late Dr. Charles 
W. Weldon of St. John was his grandson. Among the defenders of 
Lloyd's Neck, was Silas Raymond, a loyalist of the town ofNorwalk/, 
Connecticut, great-grandfather of the writer of this paper. The loyalists 
who took part in the repulse of the French were mostly natives of Con- 
necticut, Rhode Island and Massachusetts. They were enabled to make 
a living at this time by cutting wood for the army. They used to go up 
the hillside above the fort to cut the wood, and they had a slide or spout 
to carry it down. When the alarm was given that the post was threat- 
ened by the enemy, all hastened to the scene of danger. The woodcutters, 
partly from the nature of their work and partly from the exigencies of 
the times, wore sheep-skin breeches. On the occasion of the alarm a 
number of them slid down the spout, "and I tell you," said a participant 
in the affair, "the leather breeches were pretty hot." 

Marston says that the expectations of the loyalists at New York were 
that the summer of 1781 would prove the last of the "Kingdom of 
Congress," but, he adds, with a measure of caution begotten of experi- 
ence : 

"I have had my sanguine expectations too — supposing that integrity 
and capacity had a hand in the conduct of our military operations — but 
experience has shown that one or the other has heretofore been wanting. 
T hope better things of the present times." 

Marston was forced to wait four or five weeks, after the Britannia 
bad taken on board her cargo of salt and tobacco, on account of the order 
of the Admiral that vessels must sail only under convoy. At length, on 
the 29th July, a considerable fleet of merchant ships set sail from Sandy 


Hook, under thp protection of the" "Garland" and "Warwick," and 
reached Halifax safely on the 14th of August. Ten days afterwards 
the Britannia sailed in company with other vessels to Penobscot — or, as 
it wa.« then called, Megua Bagadoose. The voyage occupied nine days, 
and a thick fog rendered it difficult for the commodore to keep the fleet 
together. On the way Marston caugfht a Halibut, with a boat hook, in 
this fashion: 

"He came running up after a cod I had hooked, and while he was 
gaping about to see what was doing to the cod, I clapped the boat hook 
into him. Many a one has shared the poor halibut's fate, while staring 
about what he had no business with." 

Leaving Penobscot, the Britannia, with a couple of other ships sailed 
for the Bay of Pundy, and on Friday, 7th September, our hero for the 
first time landed at St. John, a place he was one day to know more inti- 
mately. He went ashore and dined with Hon. William Hazen, who is 
rather vaguely described as "in every way the man I have always heard 
him characterized." He sold to Hazen & White a part of his cargo, and 
decided to cross the Bay to Annapolis with the remainder. Meanwhile 
the frigate Charleston proceeded with a mast-ship and other vessels to 
Halifax. Marston had the misfortune to linger several days wind-bound 
at St, John. He also had the bad taste to complain of the fog; and, 
take it all in all, his description of the future "Winter Port of Canada" 
was by no means flattering. We will again let the diary tell the story : 

"Monday, September 10,. 1781. Still waiting in hopes of convoy 
and have some prospect of carrying some garrison stores to Annapolis; 
shall in that case have a party sufficient to keep off (pirate) boats. 'Spent 
the day rambling about the country, which hereabouts is very broken, 
barren and but little cultivated, but abounding in excellent limestone. 
Fort Howe is built on a single limestone — 'tis a pretty large one." 

It is to Ben. Marston' s pencil we are indebted for the oldest exist- 
ing sketch of Fort Howe. . The sketch . was made from the deck of the 
Britannia, and served to occupy some of his idle moments. Had he 
suspected that it would have been reproduced in the publications of the 
next century, he would no doubt have provided for us a more finished 
production. , - ... ■ ■] ; ~ / , 




But our artist was something of a poet too, and he varied the monot- 
ony at St. John by employing 1 his talents in the composition of the fol- 
lowing lines, for which, under the circumstances, we shall nave to forgive 

him : 

I'm almost sick and tired to death 

With staying in this lonesome place, 
Where every day presents itself 

With just the same dull looking face. 

O! had I but some kind fair Friend 

With whom to chat the hours away, 
I ne'er would care how blew the wind, 

Nor tedious would I think my stay. 

Ah ! that was once my happy lot 

When I with house and home was blest, 
I'd then a fair companion got 

With many female charms possesst. 

Yes, dearest Sally, thou wast fair, 

Not only fair, but kind and good; 
Sweetly together did we share 

The blessings Heaven on us bestowed. 

Nor scantily did Heaven nbower down 

Those gifts which render life a blessing, 

But. did our cup with mercies crown, 
Nor let us feel what was distressing. 


Till base Rebellion did display 

Her banners fair with false pretence; 
Then kindly Heaven took you away 

From evils which have happened since. 

And careless mc. when I had lost 

Of all my blessings far the best, 
Did teach, and justly, at my cost, 

The worth of what I once possessed. 

'Tis often so — we do not prize 

The present good at its just rate, 
But gone, we see with other eyes 

What was its worth when 'tis too late. 

Now one more verse, fair Ladies nine, 

And there'll be one a piece for you, 
'Tis the way I sometimes spend my time 

When I have nothing else to do. 

It was not until the 20th of September that the Britannia succeeded 
in crossing the Ba}^ and got safely into Annapolis Basin. Marston was 
filled with admiration of the country, but his admiration did not extend 
to the people. He writes in his journal : 

"This place tills me with melancholy. It was once a place of conse- 
quence, the scene of action of some persons for whom I have the highest 
esteem and warmest attachment. What was then their habitation is now 
a heap of ruins. The present inhabitants seem to live in an unsocial 
monastic way. Seldom you see them in the streets, nor do they pay any 
of ye attentions to strangers, which is common to be shewn by mankind 
in general in places where strangers but seldom come/ 7 

Perhaps the reader can find a reason for the apparent lack of cordial- 
ity to visitors on the part of the people of Annapolis, for in the next entry 
in his diary Marston writes: 

"This afternoon we were alarmed by a report that a party of Kebels 
had robbed a nouse about 20 miles up the river, so we unbent and landed 
all our sails, and put them within the picket work of the fort." 

Marston sold what remained of his cargo to Colonel Christopher 
Prince, with whom he also contracted for a return cargo of bricks, boards, 
oats, vegetables, apples, cider and sundries, for which the prices were, 
in modern currency, bricks, $6.00 per thousand; pine boards, $12.00 per 
thousand, apples, 40 cts. per bushel, cider, $4.00 per barrel, oats, 72 cts. 
per bushel. The buying and getting on board of the cargo proved an 
exceedingly tori ions piece ^f businesp. The bricks were brought down 


the river in gondolas. The apples of the Annapolis Valley had still 
their reputation to make, and Marston did not approve of the quality 
of some he purchased of a well-known citizen: 

"After much altercation, which almost got to a wrangle, 'Twas 
agreed to leave them to a survey, and Col. Lovet surveyed them and 
ordered them to be culled. I culled out one-half. When people fall 
into mistakes, but yet think themselves in ye right, they are to be borne 
with, but for a man to lye and to know he lyes and yet want you to 
believe him, beats all my patience." 

Marston mentions incidentally the names of Col. Phineas Lovet, 
Phineas Lovet, Junior, Col. Christopher Prince, Thomas Williams, Esq., 
Joseph Wininett, Esq., John Ritchie, Esq., John Pice, Frederic Sinclair, 
John Roach, John Lecain, Ebenezer Witherlake, Asael Dodge, Madam 
Cosby, Samuel Chute, Pardon Saunders, John Winslow, John Whitman, 
Jonathan Pay son, Obadiah Wheelock, John Kent and others whos'e 
names are familiar to those who are acquainted with the early history of 
Annapolis County. 

What with the time spent in disposing of his cargo, repairing his 
vessel and taking in new cargo, Marston saw two months slip away at 
Annapolis, and he almost began to despair of ever seeing "Sweet Hali- 
fax" again. Evidently there was a lode star in that quarter, accounta- 
ble for such expressions in his diary as these : 

"0 ! that I had the wings of an eagle, or an owl, or any flying thing, 
that I might fly right sowse into some friendly circle this evening, and 
there discover some one whose feelings are in concord with mine own." 

"This dead place is even a stranger to casualties." 

"Even the wild ducks are scarcely shy, so seldom do they see the 
human kind." 

"Xovember 5th. I am now writing by the last bit of candle. I am 
close by a Colonel and a great merchant, and they can't spare me one 
pound, they are without themselves. I hope this will be the last week 
of my tarrying here. I am tired out and out in so solitary a situation, 
employed in such a little peddling business, trading for apples and cyder. 
When the cyder is on board I shall have only the smallest of my small 
affairs to settle and finish, and then for Halifax, so it please Heaven." 

However, four more weeks dragged slowly away before Marston got 
out of Annapolis Basin, and it was not long until he heartily wished him- 
self back again. The Britannia encountered a succession of violent gales 


and sprang a leak, pumps were kept going, the long boat hove overboard, 
apples and grain dumped into the sea, but all to little purpose. The 
storm continued. The vessel was driven out of the Bay of Fundy and up 
the Atlantic coast, far to the eastward, until finally she became fast in 
the ice near Cape Canso. The situation seemed so hopeless, provisions 
being almost exhausted and winter at hand, that Marston and the crew 
resolved to abandon the ship and try to get to Halifax by land. This 
was an exceedingly perilous undertaking in the unsettled state of the 
-country at that season. 

We quote from Marston's journal the experience of the unhappy 
mariners : 

"We now took the resolution of quitting our brig, and immediately 
set about preparing for our journey by cooking all the provisions we had 
left, which was 2 pieces of beef, 11 ducks and fowls, about 5 lbs. flour 
boiled into hard dumplings, about 4 gallons boiled rice and some potatoes, 
with which stock we set out for Halifax on Wednesday, the 19th Decem- 
ber. Travelled over much mountainous cleared country, very barren, 
some close and woody. That night encamped in ye woods. Lodged 
comfortably; our supper, 2 ducks and 4 dumplings among 8 men. 

Thursday, December 20. A wet snowy day, encamped near ye sea, 
very uncomfortable night, our clothes wet, ye snow on ye trees dropping 
on us most of ye night. 

Friday, 21. Pleasant day, encamped near the water, lodged dry. 
Very cold. 

Saturday, 22. Pleasant, encamped near ye sea, lodged tolerably. 

Sunday, 23. Found 4 oz. chocolate among our baggage, on which 
and a piece of beef we make a delicious breakfast, though without sugar, 
milk, bread or butter. 'Set out with very heavy hearts, our provisions 
growing lower and lower, not more than two daj^s left, besides our great 
dog, whom we suppose will last us two days more. No appearance of 
inhabitants. After making a dismal repast on a small piece of beef and 
a quarter of a dumpling, during a small halt at noon, we discovered a 
shallop, which on moving up to we find, to all appearance, staunch and 
good. We also find an Indian hut' with a good quantity of jerked moose, 
together with ye shallop's sails, &.c. With these we intend setting out 
tomorrow. Thus it has pleased divine providence to relieve us, at least 
for the present, from the dismal apprehensions of starving. 

Monday, 24. Towards night set off in the shallop, crossed a wide 
bay and encamped. 

Tuesday, December 25. Set out with the shallop again; encamped 
on an island where we had near lost her — a dismal Ghristmas day to us. 


Wednesday ; 26. Crossed a narrow arm of the sea and encamped 
on the mainland. Here we left the shallop, she being very leaky, sails 
bad, ami a small thing without any shelter. Take to travelling again. 

Thursday, 27, Travelled as usual. 

Friday, 28. Today so lame, I could go no further, so parted with 
my people, who left me very unwillingly. Gave them my share of Tiger, 
whom wo killed last night, poor faithful animal. 

I lay in the woods two days and two nights, with no other sustenance 
than some dried moose, when I was relieved by the mate and two Indians. 
After my people left me they travelled one day before they came across 
signs of the Indians. The second day they heard their dogs, and soon 
after discovered them. The Indians received them with great kindness, 
and treated them with the utmost care and hospitality. John Boyd, one 
of the men, was drowned that day attempting to cross a ford. 

Sunday, December 30. I arrived at the Indian huts, very lame and 
much exhausted with fatigue and long fasting. The Indians are very 
kind to us all, and do everything to make us comfortable." 

Such is Ben. Marston's brief record of his providential escape from 
death in the lone wilderness. The story is modestly told, without any 
attempt to magnify the hardships, which at that season must have been 
severe. It is a wonder that in his exhausted condition he survived the 
cold and exposure. The resolute courage with which he submitted to 
the inevitable, when his men were forced to abandon him, parting even 
with his own miserable pittance of food, in order to enhance their pros- 
pects of escape, is worthy of admiration. Equally admirable is thq 
devotion of his mate, who, scarcely pausing for rest or refreshment, 
returned at once with the Indians to the rescue of his captain. The 
book that contains this part of Marston's diary, is blotted and stained. 
It evidently acompanied him in his perilous journey. The ink is pale 
and seems to have been frozen. 

The diary contiues; 

January 9th, 1782. Sent off two Indians this day with a letter to 
Halifax. They are to have 100 dollars if they deliver it. This day also 
I set off with my Indian landlord Michel and family for Country Har- 

January loth. Arrived at Country Harbour and built a hut." 

About the end of February, Marston made his way to Chedabucto 
(n< w Guysboro), where he was taken in and kindly treated by the Hadley 


family. He remained there about five weeks. The next entry in his 
journal is dated at Halifax, and reads: 

Wednesday, April 10. Arrived from Chedabucto, after a ten days' 
passage, which was very uncomfortable, being crowded in a little shal- 
lop, where there was not room to walk, stand or sit." 

Our liero now found his fortunes at a low ebb. He had lost all his 
savings by the wreck of the Britannia, and found it impossible for the 
next twelve months to obtain any permanent employment. He continued 
Ids correspondence with his relations in Plymouth, with his cousin 
Edward Winslow in New York, and with his friend Collins in Phila- 
delphia, but strange to say, we hear no more of his friend Eliza. 

The American war was now drawing to a close, and the excitement 
that had attended the active military operations had in a great measure 
subsided; nevertheless, Marston's diary continues to record incidents of 
interest. He mentions, among other things, the arrival at Halifax on 
May 13, 1782, of a prize taken by H. M. S. Blonde. The prize was a 
large ship of 18 guns, with a cargo of masts and spars, snipped at Cape 
Ann for Martini eo, in France. The Blonde had been chiefly employed 
during the war, in the protection of the Bay of Fundy and Atlantic 
coast of Xova Scotia. Her armament consisted of thirty-two twelve 
pounder guns. She was one of Sir George Collier's squadron when he 
destroyed the American fleet at Penobscot. It is likely that the capture 
of the prize just mentioned was her last achievement, for on the 10th of 
May. while cruising off the Seal Islands, she encountered the fatal rock, 
which still bears her name, and is associated in modern days with the 
destruction of the steamships "G-erona" and "Assaye." Marston's refer- 
ence to the loss of the Blonde occurs under date June 3rd, and is as fol- 
lows : — "A few days ago the Blonde was lost upon a rock,* near the 'Seal 
Islands, on which occasion two New England Privateers did a very gener- 
ous action. They took the people off, set them ashore at Cape Percu 
(Yarmouth,X. S.), and gave them passes to Halifax." 

We learn from Murdoch (Hist. N. S., Vol. Ill, pp. 2, 3,) that the 
privateers were the Lively, Capt. Adams, and the Scammel, Oapt. Stod- 

*The Gerona, of the Thompson line, and the Assaye were lost on Blonde Rock 
in 1897. This rock, which has acquired an uneviable reputation, lies a little more 
than two miles and a half south of Seal Island, and about twenty miles w^st of 
Cape Sable. It is uncovered at low water, and has from seven to ten fathoms of 
water around It. 


dard. The Lively appeals to have subsequently fallen into the hands 
of the British, and an opportunity was afforded of reciprocating the kind- 
aess shown to the survivors of the Blonde disaster. Marston refers to 
this under date 19th October: 

"Sailed for Boston a cartel ; in her went a Captain Adams and his 
officers. He was the person who helped to bring the Blonde's people 
from off the Seal Islands after the loss of their ship. His generosity 
in that affair deservedly recommended him to our particular regard^ 
which the people here, both in and out of authority, have not omitted to 
pay him." 

Among other incidents mentioned by Marston as having occurred 
this summer, is the escape of 44 American prisoners of war from the 
prison ship in Halifax harbor. This was occasioned by carelessness in 
allowing the prison ship to be towed down a mile below Dartmouth Cove, 
the guard ship "Observer" remaining at her point of observation. 

On July 13th, Marston reports the arrival, within a few days, of 
five prizes, two of which were American Privateers. The insecurity of 
the seas is convincingly shown by various entries in his journal. On 
August 9th, for example, he writes: — "Arrived the coal fleet from Span- 
ish River,* after 21 days' passage, in which were lost a. sloop, a schooner, 
and a brig." 

All Halifax was greatly excited on the 20th August at the approach 
of a fleet supposed to be French. Everybody was under arms. Marston 
writes : 

"On this occasion I went as a volunteer over to George's Island. I 
was considerably disappointed, I expected to have found things in the 
best of order, and every one at his post, as the alarm guns had been fired 
before I left town, but it was some time after I got over before the men 
were posted. I was posted at a twelve pounder in the lower south bat- 
tery. For a good half hour and more after I got there, I had no sponges, 
rammers, tubes, nor powder, and no water to wet the sponges. The 
wheels of my gun carriage were of wood, and by their appearance would 
not have stood many rounds. In short the whole economy of the Fort 
seemed to be rather defective, and the place itself far from being in a 
condition to make an effectual resistance against a heavy persevering 

The fleet that caused all this commotion proved to be an English 
fleet of 55 sail, including transports, store- ships, provision ships and! 

•Now Sydney, Cape Breton. 


some private merchant ships, the whole under convoy of a single man of 
war, the Renown. The fleet Drought 1,100 recruits for different regi- 

About a week before, there had arrived from Europe 2,100 Hessians, 
Brunswickers, etc., of whom Marston writes : 

"They lost upwards of 100 men on the passage by the scurvy, landed 
very sickly, and are not done dying vet. The British recruits are more 

On the 13th September, General Patterson arrived from New York 
to take command of the forces in Nova Scotia, and General Campbell 
embarked for Penobscot. This change put an end to a foolish dispute 
about precedence between the Lieut.- Governor's and the General's wives, 
which had a good deal disturbed the harmony of Halifax society. The 
arrival on October 7th of his Excellency Colonel John Parr, with his 
wife, son and daughter, was a source of great mortification to Sir A. S. 
Hamond, who wrote to the Earl of Shelburne resigning the office frf 
lieutenant governor, which, he says, he accepted on the strongest assur- 
ance of succeeding to the government. 

The outlook for Benjamin Marston at this time was very unpromis- 

"My time," he writes, "lies very heavy on my hands, having nothing 
■to do. For employment 1 walk, when tired of that read, and when tired 
of that write. Sometimes a good creature, who lives near by, sends for 
me to play at back-gammon with him, in doing of which he does a very 
charitable action without knowing it. But what is worst of all my 
finances run very low. I have no more cash than one moidore, 2 1-2 
dollars, and a guinea which nobody will take because there is a larga 
slice of the edge cut off. 'Tis an uncomfortable prospect." 

Marston quotes the Halifax prices of articles in common use, which 
he says had kept pretty much at those rates during the war. The prices 
were equivalent, in modern currency, to the following, viz. : — Flour, 
$10.00 to $12.00 per bbl.; Indian Corn, $1.50 to $2.00 per bushel; rice, 
8 cts. per lb. ; brown sugar, 18 to 20 cts. per lb. ; coffee, 25 cts. per lb. ; 
molasses, $1.00 per gallon; raisins, $8.00 to $10.00 per bbl.; rum, $1.10 
per gallon; brandy, $2.00 per gallon; tobacco, 30 cts. per lb.; Salt, $1.60 
per bushel. 

With the close of the year 1782, a new chapter opens in the already 


chequered career of Ben. Marston, and the scene of. 'his labours is trans- 
ferred from Halifax to Shelburne, and later to New Brunswick. The 
details o( his doings at these places are faithfully recorded in his journal, 
and arc of sufficient interest to warrant their reservation for another 


Addressed to His Excellency Governor Thomas Carleton, A. D, 1786. 

In the Collections of the New Brunswick Historical Society, No. 4, 
pp. 95-109, will be found an account of Benjamin Marston' s sojourn at 
Miramichi, based upon the information supplied by his journal and 
correspondence. The two memorials which follow may be regarded as 
supplementary to what has already appeared in the Collections of the 
Historical Society. 

The mill in which Marston and Delesdernier were interested was 
built upon a stream entering the Miramichi a little below the town of 
Chatham, but on the opposite side of the river. The plan referred to 
by Mr. Marston in the memorial is not to be found. 

Memorial No. 1. 

The memorial is endorsed as follows: — 

"Benjamin Marston & John M. C. Delesdernier ask Lots No. 19, 
20 .v 21, North side Miramichi River, & as much Land back of them as 
will make up 500 acres, and a Lot at the mouth of Black River between 
Bay du Yin and Point au Cart. — Complied with in Council, 14th March, 

To His Excellency Thomas Carleton, Esq'r., Governor & Com- 
mander in Chief of His Majesty's Province of New Brunswick, &c, &c. 
To the Honourable His Majesty's Council for the same Province. 

The Memorial of Benjamin Marston & John Mark Crank Des Les 
Dernier, both of Miramichi in the County of Northumberland humbly 
Etheweth : — 

That your Memorialists have at some considerable expence framed 
and gotten ready a Saw Mill which will be erected & put together as soon 

m:w bbunswick historical society. Ill 

as the breaking- up of the Frost will permit them to lay the foundation 
for it. 

That your memorialists intend to sett said Mill on a rivulet which 
runs thro' lot No. 21 on the North side of the River Miramichi, 
Mediant's [MicheaudY] Survey., which Lot was originally assigned to 
Frederick Des Les Dernier, who has removed out of the Province, hav- 
ing first sold the said Lot to one of your Memorialists, viz., John M. C. 
De Les Dernier, before mentioned, for a valuable consideration, as 
appears by the conveyance. 

That there are two other Lots adjacent to said Lot No. 21 — viz., 
No's 1!> & 20, both unoccupied, & altho' one of them is laid out as a 
fishing Lot in the Survey aforesaid, being only ten chains wide, yet 
neither of them are good Lots for Fishing, the water in front of both 
of them being shoal a great way from the shore. 

That the said Lots have never been apply' d for. altho' that side 
of the River quite down to Bartibog is all located (eight lots excepted) 
and lias been so for some time. 

Your Memorialists therefore humbly pray your Excellency & your 
Honours, that the said Lots No's 19, 20 & 21 & as much land on the 
back of them as shall make up 500 acres in the whole may be assigned 
to them for a Saw Mill lot & that a Grant thereof may be made to them 
in equal parts as Tenants in common & not as Joint-Tenants. 

And furthermore your Memorialists beg leave to represent to your 
Excellency & your Honours; 

That as it will be necessary for them to keep a number of working 
Cattle for the use of their Mill aforesaid, and as at present no part o>f 
the Lots aforesaid will afford them hay for their keeping, they numbly 
That they may have a farther Grant of a Lot situate at the mouth 
of a small River called Black River, which is between Bedouine & Point 
Au Cart, as shown by the plan annexed, to hold in common as aforesaid, 
the said Lot containing a quantity of Meadow sufficient for their pur- 

And your Memorialists, as in duty bound will ever pray — 

Ben. Marston. 
J. M. C. Delesdernier. 
Miramichi, Feb'y 14, 1786. 

1 1 8 new brunswick historical society. 

Memorial No. 2. 

This Memorial is endorsed: — "Mr. Marston — praying permission 
to resign his appointment of Sheriff of Northumberland — Complied 

To His Excellency Thomas Carleton, Esq'r., Captain General & 
Governour in Chief of the Province o'f New Brunswick, &c., &c. 

To the Honourable His Majesty's Council for the same Province: — 

May it please your Excellency & your Honours: — 

Being engaged in a Plan of Business which will wholly engross 
my time & attention, & will frequently occasion my being absent from 
the County, of which you have done me the honour to appoint me the 
Sheriff, I humbly beg the favour of your Excellency & your Honours 
to permit me to resign that office, the necessary attention to my own 
affairs & the proper attention to duties thereof being utterly incom- 

I have the honour to be with the truest respect, 

Your dutiful & most obedient 

Humble Serv't,v 

Ben Marston. 

St. John's, March 27, 1786. 




New Brunswick 

Historical Society. 

NO. 8. 


B\rnes & Co., Printers, Prince Wm Street. 


New Brunswick Historical Society* 





- Vice-Presidents. 

REV. W. O. RAYMOND, LL. D Recording Secretary. 

D. RUSSELL JACK Corresponding Secretary. 

JONAS HOWE Librarian. 

H. H. PICKETT Treasurer. 


P. R. Inches, M. D. Geo. U. Hay, Ph. D. W. P. Dole, LL. D. 

Lieut.-Col. J. R. Armstrong. Rev. W. C. Gaynor. 


Since the last publication was issued by our Society, two years ago, 
the noteworthy features in connection with its work have been few. The 
erection of the Champlain statue in honor of the discoverer of the River 
St. John, in which the members of the Society were the prime movers, 
has been handed over to a citizens' committee, and it is hoped the monu- 
ment will be completed in the course of the coming summer. 

The Society has learned, with deep regret, that the high class 
magazine, Acadiensis, published for the past eight years by their Cor- 
responding Secretary, D. Russell Jack, is to be discontinued for lack of 
sufficient support on the part of the general public. The Society records 
its high appreciation of the work accomplished by Mr. Jack in the 
publication of a large number of historical papers and other data con- 
cerning the early days of the Maritime Provinces. Among the services 
rendered, mention should be made of the publication, as an appendix to 
Acadiensis, of the " Judges of New Brunswick and their Times." This 
work was undertaken many years ago by the founder of this Society, the 
late Joseph W. Lawrence, but remained in manuscript. Under the care- 
ful editing of Dr. A. A. Stockton — and later of the Secretary of the 
Society — it has at length seen the light and will prove a valuable 
addition to our early provincial history. Its publication was rendered 
practicable by a special grant of the New Brunswick legislature. 

At a meeting of the Society held on October 30th, 1906, a stone tablet 
was exhibited, which was discovered by Mr. A. R. Hay at the site of 
the old Indian village of Medoctec, below Woodstock. Mr. Hay has 
entrusted the keeping of the stone to Dr. W. F. Ganong, one of the 
Society's most valued corresponding members, for a period of seven 


years from the above date, at the expiration of which it is to become 
the property of the Historical Society. An illustration and description 
oi this valuable relic will be found in the Society's Collections, No. 2, 
pp. 229, 237. 

The Society has received from the Provincial Archivist of Ontario 
500 copies of the " Loyalist Claims for Compensation for Losses During 
the Revolutionary War." This is a most valuable historical publication, 
in two volumes, comprising 1,436 pages, with a comprehensive index. 
In accordance with the agreement entered into, the Society contributed 
out of its special fund the sum of $400.00 towards the general cost of 
publication. The books are in the custody of the Corresponding Secre- 
tary, and may be obtained from him by those interested. 

At the annual meeting of the Society in November, 1907, Mr. Clarence 
Ward retired from the secretaryship after twenty-six years' faithful 



St. John, N. B., April. 26, 1909. 







Twenty-five years ago the Centennial day of the City of St. John was 
fittingly commemorated by an elaborate festival held on the 18th of May, 
1883. Our older citizens will recall the excitement and enthusiasm of 
the occasion. The founder and first president of this Society, Joseph 
W. Lawrence, the Lieutenant-Governor of the Province, Hon. R. D. 
Wilmot, the Mayor of St. John, Simeon Jones, Esq., and many men of 
mark in the community were actively concerned in the proceedings of 
that Centennial day. The Haymarket Square Polymorphians and other 
organizations gave a reproduction of the Landing of the Loyalists, 
which, if not accurate in all its details, was decidedly interesting, and was 
witnessed by 20,000 people. The scene of the pageant was the old 
" Upper Cove," at the foot of King Street. The subsequent proceedings, 
which were equally enthusiastic, are duly chronicled in the newspapers 
of the day. 

Xext in order of our famous historic commemorations came the 
celebration of the Tercentenary of the discovery of the harbor and river 
of St. John by Champlain and de Monts on the 24th of June, 1604. This 
was undoubtedly the most interesting and remarkable historic celebration 
ever witnessed in St. John, and is likely to be long remembered by those 
who participated in it. 

This brings us to speak of an event which stands midway between 
the discovery of our port and river by European adventurers and the 
present time. The 20th day of September, 1908, marks the 150th 


anniversary of the occupation of St. John by the British forces under 
General Robert Monckton's command. The event recalls an epoch in 
our history. The, French regime had lasted with little interruption for 
a century and a half, but with the coming of Monckton and the establish- 
ment of Fort Frederick, British rule succeeded that of France. The 
landing of the troops on the morning of the 20th of September marks 
the beginning of the occupation of the valley of the River St. John by 
English-speaking people. 

This anniversary should not be lost sight of, for the consequences 
of Brigadier General Monckton's expedition and the construction of 
Fort Frederick on the site of the old French fort in Carleton were great 
and far-reaching. When the British troops took possession and raised 
the English flag over its ruined bastions, the territory adjacent passed 
for the first time into undisputed possession of the English. For well- 
nigh fifty years this territory had been a bone of contention between the 
rival European powers. Indeed, it may be said that from the Treaty of 
Utrecht in 17 13 to the capture of Quebec in 1759, the controversy be- 
tween England and France, with regard to the limits of their respective 
jurisdiction in Acadia, had continued to disturb the peace of Europe. 
Attempts were made to settle the dispute by peaceful means, and for 
some years the points at issue were warmly debated by representatives 
of the two nations. The leaders on either side were Count Galissoniere, 
governor-general of Canada, and Sir William Shirley, governor of 
Massachusetts. Both were resolute and determined, and, differing 
widely as they did in their opinions, it is little wonder that there was no 
solution of the difficulty. The issue was fated to be decided, not by 
wordy warfare at the council board, but by the stern arbitrament of the 

For some years the dispute as to the rightful possession of the St. 
John river was confined to protests on the part of each nationality against 
alleged encroachments on the part of its rival. The French made use 
of their Indian allies to repel the advance of English adventurers, and 
encouraged the Acadians to settle there. The English endeavored, with 
indifferent success, to gain over the Indians and to induce the Acadians 
to swear allegiance to the British crown. Galissoniere contended that 
Acadia, as ceded to England under the Treaty of Utrecht, included 
merely the Xova Scotian peninsula. The St. John, he asserted, was a 


river " situated on the continent of Canada," and the governor of Nova 
Scotia had no right to interfere with the Acadians living upon that river, 
or to call upon them to make any submission contrary to their allegiance 
to the King of France, who, he adds, is " their master, as well as mine, 
and has not ceded this territory by any treaty." 

In the great struggle which ensued for supremacy on the American 
continent, the English were naturally the aggressors, since the popula- 
tion of the English colonies was 1,200,000, while Canada had but 60,000 

Early in the summer of 1749, Count Galissoniere sent his lieutenant, 
Boishebert, with a detachment of troops to the mouth of the river St. 
John to effect a settlement and to re-establish the fort. Governor Corn- 
wallis sent the sloop of war " Albany " from Halifax to see what the 
French were doing, and to demand their authority. When the "Albany" 
arrived, her commander, Capt. Rous, found the old fort still deserted 
and no inhabitants, either French or Indian, to be seen. While he was 
waiting in a state of uncertainty, a French schooner entered the harbor, 
laden with supplies. Capt. Rous seized her, but promised to release her 
if the master would go up the river and bring down the French officers 
for a parley. The master accordingly went up the river in a canoe, 
bearing the following letter to Boishebert : 

" From the River St. John, 3rd July, 1749. 

"Sir, — I am directed by the King, my master, to look into and 
examine the various ports, harbors and rivers of his majesty's Province 
of Nova Scotia, and am now here with that intent. Having learned that 
you are now upon the river with a detachment of soldiers of the King of 
France, I should be pleased to learn by what authority and with what 
intention you are engaged in similar proceedings. It would afford me 
much pleasure could I have the honor of a personal interview, in order 
to convince you of the rights of the King, my master. I shall also be 
pleased to see some of the Indian chiefs in order to inform them of the 
peace and harmony now established between the two crowns, and to 
confer with them. 

" Until I shall have the honor, as I hope, of seeing you, I am very 
truly, , 

" Your humble servant, 

" John Rous/' 

In response to this invitation, Boishebert went down the river the 
next day, accompanied by a detachment of thirty soldiers and 150 Indian 


warriors. The party took position, with their colors flying, on the west 
side of the harbor, at a point on the shore within musket shot of the 
" Albany." Rous immediately ordered the French to strike their colors. 
Their commander demurred, and asked to be allowed to march back 
with his colors flying, promising to return the next day without them. 
Rous, however, ordered the colors to be struck immediately, which being 
done, the officers were invited on board the " Albany." They showed 
their instructions from the Governor of Quebec, from which it appeared 
that their first instruction had been to re-establish and garrison the old 
French fort. But later the order had been countermanded, and Boishe- 
bert was required merely to prevent the English from making any settle- 
ment until the right of possession had been settled by the two crowns. 
Boishebert had fixed his headquarters ten miles up the river, at the place 
now known as Woodman's Point, where he built a small fort, known as 
Fort de Nerepice, on the site of an older Indian fort, which stood there 
in the days when Yillebon lived on the river and ruled as Governor of 
all Acadia. By arrangement with Capt. Rous, the French were permitted 
to remain undisturbed until the next spring, on the understanding that no 
fortifications were to be built. 

Boishebert continued to move freely up and down the river. At one 
time he writes from Menagoeche (or St. John, for such was its Indian 
name), at another from Ecoubac (the Indian village seven miles above 
Fredericton), at another he is at Medoctec, the upper Indian village 
eight miles below Woodstock. The Marquis la Jonquiere, who 
succeeded to the governorship of Quebec at this time, realized the import- 
ance of the river St. John as being " the key of the country." 

In the years that follow there were frequent collisions between Eng- 
lish and French war vessels in the Bay of Fundy. In October, 1750, 
Capt. Rous, in the " Albany," had an encounter with Sieur de Vergor 
in the " St. Francis," a vessel of ten guns and a crew of seventy men, 
which was escorting a schooner laden with supplies and munitions for 
the garrison at St. John. After a running fight, lasting nearly five 
hours, the " St. Francis " was so crippled by the loss of her mainmast 
and injuries to her sails and rigging that Vergor was obliged to surrender. 

After the founding of Halifax, in 1749, Governor Cornwallis endea- 
vored to establish British supremacy throughout Acadia, but the French 
stoutly resisted his claim to any jurisdiction north of the Bay of Fundy. 


Cornwallis felt the difficulties of his position very keenly. Halifax was 
yet in its infancy and comparatively defenceless. Louisbourg and Quebec 
wore French strongholds. The Marquis la Jonquiere, Governor at 
Quebec, encouraged the Indians to oppose any attempt on the part of 
the English in that direction. He wrote to the French Colonial Minister : 
" It is easy to hinder the English from establishing themselves on those 
lands. They will have to proceed through the woods and along the 
rivers ; and so long as the French are masters of the Indians, and the 
Acadians are provided with arms and supplies, the English will not 
expose themselves to their attacks." 

La jonquiere desired Boishebert, his lieutenant on the St. John, to 
observe much caution in his proceedings, as it was a time of peace. He 
was to act very secretly, so that the English might not perceive who were 
supplying the Indians with munitions of war and provisions. He adds : 
"If all turns out as I hope, we shall retain our lands, and the English 
will not be able to establish any settlements before the boundaries in 
dispute have been determined by the two crpwns." 

The policy of employing the savages to deter the English from 
occupying the St. John region was attended with success. The threats 
and occasional raids of the Micmacs and Maliseets kept the infant colony 
of Nova Scotia in a continuous state of alarm, and effectually prevented 
any attempts at settlement. 

Governor Lawrence succeeded Cornwallis, only to find himself in- 
volved in the same perplexity. He wrote the British minister : " What 
can I do to encourage people to settle on frontier lands, where they run 
the risk of having their throats cut by inveterate enemies, who easily 
effect their escape by their knowledge of every creek and corner?" 

In the summer of 1750, Captain Cobb, in the sloop "York," found 
a French brigantine anchored, near the old fort in St. John harbor. The 
brigantine was laden with provisions and supplies for the Indians and 
Acadians, and had on board a considerable detachment of troops. 
She fired an alarm gun on sight of the " York." Cobb anchored under 
the lee of Partridge Island, and sent a party of men in a whale boat to 
reconnoitre. They were fired on by the French and Indians. Boishe- 
bert insisted that Cobb should quit the harbor, as it belonged to the 
French King, and threatened that unless he did so, his Indians would 
destroy the sloop and her crew. Not to be daunted, Cobb hoisted anchor 


and brought his sloop up the harbor until he discovered the enemy on 
the west side at " a small fortification by a little hill." Boishebert's 
forces included two hundred Indians. He had also fifty or sixty of the 
Acadians living on the river. Captain Cobb was foolish enough to go 
on shore, under a flag of truce, for a parley. He was made prisoner, 
and compelled to send an order to his vessel not to molest the French 
brigantine. This order his mate declined to receive, and immediately 
seized the bearers of the message as hostages for Cobb's release. A 
mutual exchange ensued. Cobb honored his promise not to make the 
French brigantine his prize, but carried off six of her crew in the "York" 
as prisoners to Halifax. A day or two later Capt. Dove, in H. M. Ship 
'" Hound." arrived off the harbor, and, unconscious of the situation, sent 
his lieutenant in a whale boat to reconnoitre. The officer was invited 
on shore by Boishebert, and, of course, made a prisoner. He was 
released upon his promise that the prisoners carried off by Cobb should 
be returned. These were some of the humorous incidents arising out of 
the curious state of affairs existing. 

In order to escape the difficulties of sending supplies by sea, and the 
consequent danger of their seizure by the British war vessels, the Marquis 
le Jonquiere spent a considerable sum of money in improving a road 
from the St. Lawrence to the Upper St. John, via Riviere du Loup and 
Temisquata. This road, he informed the French minister, would be 
very useful, supposing the English should continue to stop the vessels 
sent to the mouth of the river. " I have given orders," he adds, "to the 
Sieur de Boishebert, who commands there, to repair the old fort called 
Menacoche, at the mouth of the river, and to build a barrack for the 
officers and ioo men, with necessary magazines. The whole to be built 
of logs, and I have expressly recommended Boishebert to have it done 
with very little expense to the King, and to that end he is to employ the 
soldiers and militia.". 

The site of this fort is well known locally. It was built on the little 
hill or mound opposite Navy Island, at the foot of King Street, in Carle- 
ton. The terraces of the fort were about twenty-five feet high on the 
outside and twelve feet on the inside. La Jonquiere believed the fort 
to be indispensable, for if the French were to abandon the place, the 
English would immediately take possession. The Marquis was not any 
too scrupulous as to the means he proposed to employ to frustrate the 


lodgment of the English. Not only were the Indians encouraged to 
annoy the English on all occasions, and to plunder any ships that should 
come to St. John, but he suggested that some of the Acadians, dressed 
and painted like savages, should lead them in their attacks. This was 
all that could be ventured, since the French were restrained from open 
hostility by the peace. The Marquis displays much zeal in the 
King's service. " I beg you to feel assured, Monseigneur," he writes, 
" that I will manage everything so as not to compromise myself, and 
that I will not give up an inch of land that belongs to the King. It is 
time the limits should be settled, that we may know positively what we 
are to hold." 

The services of Boishebert were now required elsewhere, and the 
Sieur de Gaspe, lieutenant of infantry, was sent to replace him, remain- 
ing two' years and a half in command. He writes from his headquarters 
at Fort de Xerepice (Woodman's Point) in June, 1751, that he will do 
his best to complete the fort at the mouth of the river. However, his 
progress was slow. The workmen had no tools except axes. Laborers 
were few. Discipline was bad. The soldiers refused to work, and the 
Sieur d,e Gaspe was afraid to try to compel them, apprehending their 
desertion. The fort had four bastions. In addition to the barracks and 
magazines, it was proposed to construct a building of logs, squared with 
the axe, to accommodate the surgeon and chaplain, and to serve as a 
guard house. 

The situation of the Acadians who were living on the St. John at this 
time was a most unfortunate one. They were greatly straitened for the 
necessaries of life. Communication with Quebec was difficult by land, 
and the vigilance of the English cruisers cut off their supplies by sea. 
They were even impoverished by their friends. On one occasion, for 
example, they were obliged to furnish subsistence to a party of nearly 
three hundred Canadians and Indians under Montesson, and in so doing 
were obliged to sacrifice the grain and cattle needed for the seeding and 
tillage of their fields. 

The French commissioners who debated with the English as to the 
limits of Acadia, asserted that the English pretensions to ownership 
north of the Bay of Fundy had no foundation. If that territory were 
ceded to England by the Treaty of Utrecht in 17 13, how was it that the 
valley of the St. John had for forty years remained in quiet and peaceable 


ssion of the French? "The English sought to expel the Acadians, 
to deprive them of their property and their homes, to sell the lands 
they had cultivated and made valuable, and by such transactions to 
expose Europe to the danger of seeing the fires of war re-kindled. 
Whatever sacrifices France might be disposed to make in order to main- 
tain public tranquility, it would be difficult indeed for her to allow herself 
to be deprived of the navigation of the River St. John, .... a neces- 
sary route of communication." " We do not fear to say," they add, 
" that the object of the English is not confined to the country they claim 
under the name of Acadia; their object is to make a general invasion of 
Canada, and to pave the way to universal empire in America." 

There can be no doubt that this was the desire of the people of New 
England, whose antipathy to the French was largely responsible for the 
brutality which attended the Acadian expulsion a few years later. 
According to the statement of Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, there 
were at this time about one hundred French families on the St. John 
River. The French had strengthened their fort at the mouth of the 
river with guns and men. A French frigate of thirty guns lay behind 
Partridge Island waiting for a cargo of furs, and the French seemed to 
be entirely masters of the situation. 

The site of the French fort on the west side of the harbor, opposite 
Navy Island, is shown in the plan on another page. The first fort 
built on this site goes back to the days of La Tour and Charnisay, more 
than two centuries and a half ago. It was occupied a little later by 
La Tour's son-in-law, the Sieur de Martignon. In the course of time 
it fell into decay, and was re-built by Governor Villebon about the close 
of the seventeenth century. Villebon died there on the 5th of July, 1700, 
and is believed to have been buried in the old French graveyard behind 
the fort. The place is also, in all probability, the last resting place of 
Charles La Tour. 

After the fort was re-established by Villebon, it was generally referred 
to, in the official correspondence, as " Fort de la Riviere de St. Jean," 
or ■' Fort Menagoeche," — the latter word being the Indian name of St. 
John. The fort was nearly 200 feet square, and within it were barracks 
for the soldiers, a residence for the governor, with small chapel adjoin- 
ing, quarters for the officers, lodgings for surgeon, armorer and gunner, 
a small prison and a well. Just outside the gate were two bakehouses. 


The water supply of the fort seems to have been very inadequate. The 
Sieur des Goutins, who disliked Yillebon, complained that the Governor 
kept the water within the fort for the exclusive use of his kitchen and 
his mare, others being obliged to use snow water, often very dirty. 
Brouillan, Yillebon's successor, condemned the situation as being com- 
manded on the one side by Navy Island and on the other by a height 
at the distance of a hundred and odd fathoms, and also on account of 
the very insufficient water supply. 

In January, 1754, Governor Lawrence urged the British ministry to 
take some vigorous action with regard to the control of Acadia. He 
states that the French were hard at work making settlements on the St. 
John, offering special inducements to the Acadians of the peninsula to 
join them. He could not prevent them from going, though the greater 
part were too much attached to their lands to leave them. It was abso- 
lutely necessary that the forts at Beausejour and St. John should be 
destroyed, or taken possession of and garrisoned by the English and the 
French possessions along the Bay of Fundy " extirpated." Although 
the Indians had been guilty of no depredations for two years past, he 
believed dependence could be placed on their quietude so long 
as the French were allowed to exercise a disturbing influence among 

Lawrence now began to consult with Shirley, the Governor of Massa- 
chusetts, about the deportation of the Acadians. He proposed that 2,000 
troops should be raised in New England,, which, together with those in 
Nova Scotia, would be sufficient for the business, and that the command 
should be assigned to Colonel Monckton, of the 60th (or Royal American) 
Regiment. This plan, as all the world knows, was carried into execu- 
tion. The first important event was the capture of Beausejour. The 
details of the siege need not be given, suffice it to say that after a 
bombardment of four days the French commander, Vergor, on the 16th 
of June, 1755, surrendered his fort to Monckton, and from thenceforth 
it was garrisoned by the British, and called Fort Cumberland. Monckton 
received orders to destroy the fort at St. John. Captain Rous, of the 
" Albany,'' was sent there with three twenty-gun ships and a sloop of 
war. A report was current that the French had two men-of-war of 
thirty-six guns each anchored near the fort. Rous anchored at Partridge 
Island, and sent his boats up the harbor to reconnoitre. They found no 


ships. Boishebert, seeing that resistence was useless, abandoned his 
fort, and, so far as he was able, demolished it, burst his cannon, blew up 
his magazines, burned everything he could, and retired up the river to 
a dctroit or " narrows," where he erected a small battery and again took 


A few weeks after this, there occurred the tragic event known in 
history as the Acadian Expulsion. The agents employed were New 
England troops, under the command of Monckton and Col. John Wins- 
low. Winslow had little taste for the business in which he was employed. 
In his proclamation to the Acadians of Grand Pre, he says : " The duty 
1 am now upon, though necessary, is very disagreeable to my make and 
temper." The same, we fear, cannot be said of the rank and file of his 
forces, for one of his captains writes : " You know our soldiers hate them 
(the Acadians), and if they can find a pretence to kill them, they will." 

X early seven thousand Acadians were removed from Nova Scotia 
and distributed among the American colonies as far south as Georgia. 
An exciting incident in connection with the expulsion may be here re- 
lated. On the 8th December, 1755, five vessels sailed from Annapolis with 
1,664 °f the exiles, whose destinations were Massachusetts, Connecticut, 
New York and South Carolina, the whole under convoy of a British 
sloop of war. One of the transport ships, a snow (or brig) carried 
thirty-two families, destined for South Carolina. From New York this 
vessel was to proceed on her way unattended. Small parties of the 
Acadians were from time to time allowed on deck for air and exercise. 
Several of the bolder spirits laid a plot to seize the ship. On a favorable 
occasion, when the hatchway was opened to allow those who had been 
on deck to descend, the conspirators sprang out of the hold, and, in the 
twinkling of an eye, were engaged in a hand to hand struggle with the 
crew. The latter were overpowered and tied fast. The leader of this 
spirited encounter, "Charles Belliveau, was an excellent seaman. He now 
took the helm, and, after an exciting experience, brought the vessel 
safely to St. John. Not long after Governor Lawrence sent an English 
schooner to St. John, hoping, by a strategem, to regain possession of the 
vessel and to capture the Acadians. The schooner entered the harbor 
under French colors, having on board a party of Rangers disguised as 
French soldiers. The captain sent his boat ashore with four French 
deserters, who announced that the schooner was from Louisburg with 


supplies. The French were completely deceived, and might all have 
been captured had not the English inadvertently discovered themselves 
too soon. In consequence they were obliged to retire without accom- 
plishing their purpose. 

Acadian refugees continued to come to the river from various quart- 
ers. Their condition was pitiable in the extreme. Some had journeyed 
on foot or in canoes through miles of unexplored wilderness. Others 
came in small vessels from far-distant Carolina, coasting furtively from 
colony to colony along the Atlantic shore until they reached the Bay of 
Fundy. Boishebert soon found himself with more than a thousand 
people under his care. He sent some of them to Canada, for his forces 
were insufficient for their protection and his supplies were scanty. 

The locations of the French settlements on the river at this period 
are described in detail in Dr. Ganong's " Historic Sites in New Bruns- 
wick." At St. John the French had cleared some land on the west side 
of the harbor. These spots are marked as " gardens " on Lieut. Bruce's 
plan of 1 76 1. The inhabitants, however, seem to have deserted the place 
when the fort was abandoned. There were a few settlers at the mouth 
of the Xerepis and a small settlement at the mouth of the Belleisle. At 
Gagetown there was quite an important French village, of which more 
will be said hereafter. A very old settlement existed at the mouth of 
the Jemseg, where there was an old abandoned fort. At the mouth of 
the Oromocto three hundred acres had been cleared. The largest and 
most important settlement, and the farthest up the river at that time, was 
at St. Anne's Point, where the city of Fredericton stands to-day. Here 
the Acadians had cleared six or seven hundred acres and built a thriving 
village, with a little chapel, which stood near the Government House, 
and it is probable that their houses were scattered along the banks of the 
river as far as the Indian village of Aukpaque, six miles above. 

The next year England declared war against France, and the; capture 
of Quebec and Louisburg became the ambition of the Colonies, as well 
as of the mother country. The importance of occupying the St. John 
river was not lost sight of. On November 3rd, 1756, the Governor of 
Nova Scotia writes that he is gratified that he is to receive a reinforce- 
ment which may enable him to establish a fort at the mouth of the St. 
John, and to dispossess the French. English ships of war continued 
occasionally to visit the north side of the Bay of Fundy, so that the 
French had no opportunity to re-establish their fort. 


The expected assault of Louisbourg did not take place until 1758. 
General Amherst was in command, and among his subordinates were 
\\ olfe and Monckton. After a stout resistance, Louisbourg surrendered 
on the 26th of July, and a few weeks later Colonel Monckton was sent 
with a body of troops, flushed with success, to drive the hapless Acaclians 
from their settlements on the River St. John. 

As Monckton was the principal agent in an event of such historic 
importance to us as the permanent occupation of the St. John River by 
the English, a few words may very property be devoted to him. 

Robert Monckton was the second son of John, first Viscount Galway, 
by his wife, Lady Elizabeth Manners, the youngest daughter of the Duke 
of Rutland. He entered upon his military career in Flanders in 1742, 
and was present in several engagements. Later he came to America, 
where, in 1752, we find him at Fort Lawrence, keeping watch over the 
French stronghold of Beausejour, across the river Misseguash. Soon 
after he was in command of the garrison at Annapolis Royal. He com- 
manded the troops at the reduction of Beausejour in 1755, and the next 
year was appointed" Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia. As colonel 
of the Royal Americans, he took an active part in the siege of Louis- 
bourg, and in 1759 served as second in command to General Wolfe at 
the taking of Quebec. Monckton was conspicuous for his bravery on 
the Plains of Abraham, where he was severely wounded. * 

Monckton subsequently was appointed Governor of New York. He 
was promoted major-general and afterwards lieutenant-general in the 
army. At the time of his death, in 1782, he was a member for Ports- 
mouth in the British House of Commons. 

The people of Massachusetts followed the course of events at Louis- 
bourg with the keenest interest. They had never been reconciled to its 
restoration to France after its gallant capture by the New England 
expedition under Sir William Pepperell in 1745. Many of their kins- 

* It is a curious circumstance that Wolfe's armv on the Plains of Abraham was first 
red by Boishebert who had been so conspicuous in affairs upon the River St. John. 
Boishebert was at the time sick in hospital at Quebec. Happening to glance out of his 
window very early one morning, his attention was attracted by the red lines of the British 
troop-, who during the night had scaled the precipitous heights. Word was immediately 
<-ent to Montcalm, who on his arrival exclaimed : " There they are, just where they ought 
UOl to be ! " 


men were with Amherst in the second expedition, and they hailed the 
news of their success with great satisfaction. 

The next step in the plan of campaign for the conquest of Canada 
was to dispossess the French from their occupation of the territory on 
the River St. John. This was regarded by all New England as " a 
consummation devoutly to be wished." 

The Boston Evening Post of September 4th, 1758, informs its readers 
that information had just been received from Louisbourg " that Colonel 
Monckton, with a number of men, is to go up St. John's River, by which 
means 'tis hoped the French and Indians will be entirely routed from 
Nova Scotia." This service was originally intended to have been per- 
formed in August, 1757, by the 27th, 43rd and 46th Regiments under 
Brigadier Lawrence, but the plan was interfered with by two of these 
regiments being ordered to the southward with the main body of the 
army, upon receipt of the news of the unhappy fate of Fort William 

The troops now detailed for Monckton's expedition included 350 
New England Rangers under Colonel Scott, the 35th Regiment under 
General Otway, the second battalion of the Royal Americans and a con- 
siderable Artillery force, the whole amounting to 2,000 men. 

Exaggerated reports of the strength of Boishebert's forces and of the 
numbers of the Acadians settled on the river were circulated, and, in 
consequence, Monckton's force was three or four times as large as was 
really necessary to overcome any opposition that might have been offered, 
but having so many men at his disposal, enabled him to make rapid pro- 
gress in the establishment of a fortified post. He experienced no little 
difficulty, however, in providing the provisions and supplies needed for 
his army of 2,000 soldiers. Difficulty, too, was experienced in procuring 
a sufficient number of sloops and schooners to carry the troops up the 
river in order to destroy the Acadian settlements. To facilitate this 
work, orders had been already sent to various places in New England 
and Nova Scotia to ship materials for the construction of a new fort at 
St. John and to provide the small craft required for going up the river. 

After waiting several days for a fair wind, the troops appointed for 
the expedition sailed from Louisburg for Halifax on Monday, the 28th 
of August, under convoy of two English frigates. Having completed 
their preparations, the expedition left Halifax for St. John on the nth 


of September. The transport ships that carried the little army were the 
"Isabella," '* Wade." "Alexander the Second," ''Viscount Falmouth," 
" Lord Bleakeney," the sloops " York " and " Ulysses," and perhaps one 
or two others, the whole under convoy of the " Squirrel," man-of-war. 
The companies of New England Rangers were commanded by Captains 
McCurdy, Brewer, Goreham and Stark. These Rangers proved the 
most effective of Monckton's troops in the work which followed. 

On the 1 8th of September, a week after leaving Halifax, the fleet 
anchored at Partridge Island. The sloops " York " and " Ulysses," 
under their captains, Sylvanus Cobb and Jeremiah Rogers, were sent up 
the harbor to reconnoitre, and on their return reported that they had 
seen only two or three people, and that there was apparently nothing to 
prevent an immediate landing. However, General Monckton thought 
best to defer it to the next day. He afterwards learned that more than 
200 Indians and some Frenchmen were waiting in ambush to oppose the 
landing, but the Indians were so overawed by the unexpected strength 
of the invaders that they did not venture to attack them, but retired up 
the river to St. Anne's. The next day the entire fleet came up the harbor 
and anchored below the old fort on the west side. Monckton sent Cobb 
with his sloop to the head of the Bay of Fundy (Fort Cumberland) to 
fetch Benoni Danks' company of Rangers, together with some whale 
boats and Acadian prisoners to serve as pilots. 

Most of our information regarding the course of events which fol- 
lows is based upon Monckton's official report to Major-General Amherst 
of the proceedings of the troops employed in the " Expedition to St. 
John's River in the Bay of Fundy." This valuable report, with notes, 
by Dr. W. F. Ganong, has been already printed in the Collections of the 
Society. * Other sources of information include the newspapers of the 
day, and Captain John Knox's Historical Journal of the Campaigns in 
North America for the years 1757- 1760 inclusive. f At the time of 
Monckton's expedition Captain Knox was with the garrison at Annapolis, 
and naturally felt great interest in what was going on across the Bay. 

* Collections of the New Brunswick Historical Society, No. 4. pp. 163-175. 

j A copy of this rare work, which was printed in two volumes in London in the year 1769, 
is in the library of the department of Canadian Archives at Ottawa. I am indebted to Mr. 
Placide P. Gaudet for calling my attention to it. 


The dates that mark the various epochs in the history of St. John are 
precise and definite. On June 24, 1604, the river was discovered and 
received its name. On September 20, 1758, the period of English 
occupation and permanent settlement was ushered in. On May 18, 
1783, we have the landing of the Loyalists and founding of the city. 

When Monckton arrived the old French fort was in ruins, but there 
lay about it the materials, logs, hewn timber, etc., collected by Boishebert 
and the Sieur de Gaspe for its restoration. Everything apparently re- 
mained just as it was when Captain Rous visited the harbor and drove 
off the French three years before. Monckton's journal contains a brief 
account of the events of the 'memorable day of occupation: 

" Sep'br ye 20th. Made the signal for landing about nine, .and soon 
after landed near the Old Fort with as many men as the boats could 
take, being about 400. Met with no opposition. The second division 
being landed I sent off Major Scott with about 300 Light Infantry and 
Rangers to make discovery, and advanced the two companies of Grena- 
diers to support him in case of necessity. The Major returned, having 
been above the Falls — he found some few tracks but not the least signs 
of any road or path — the woods very thick and bad marching. The* 
troops being all landed I ordered the tents to be got on shore, and en- 
camped the two regiments just at the back of the fort. The Light 
Infantry and Rangers under Major Scott encamped on the hill above/'* 

Captain Knox's account of the landing is as follows : 

"September 23d (1758). This day arrived His Majesty's sloop of 
war Ulysses, Capt. Rogers, from St. John's River, by whom we learn 
that Brigadier Monckton with the 35th and second battalion of the Royal 
American Regiment, a detachment of the royal train of artillery and a 
large body of rangers had arrived in that river on Saturday, the 16th 
instant; that they landed without opposition, hoisted British colors on 
the old French Fort, were repairing it with all expedition and building 
barracks for a, garrison of 300 men. This gentleman adds that upon his 
ship's first entering that harbor he saw three of the enemy ; that one of 
them fired his piece up in the air, as a signal, and then they ran into the 
woods ; that the Brigadier is making preparations to proceed farther up 
the river with a parcel of armed sloops and schooners, in order to destroy 
some store houses and an Indian settlement that are about twenty-five 
leagues up that river beyond our New Fort." 

* See plan at page 139. 


News travelled slowly in those days, and the people of Boston, 
though keenly interested in the expedition, did not learn of the course 
of events until about three weeks later. The Boston Evening Post of 
October lOth, 1758, had this short account: 

" Last Thursday morning- arrived here Capt. Campbell, from An- 
napolis Royal. He left that garrison the Saturday before, and informs 
ns that on the 1st inst. an officer arrived there who had been with 
Brigadier Monckton up the River St. John with a number of troops from 
Halifax, to destroy what fortresses the enemy might have up that river; 
but that upon their landing they found the old fort had been evacuated 
a considerable time, as it was entirely gone to decay, and shrubs grown 
up about it ; that there were considerable quantities of timber lying about, 
of which the Brigadier intended to have erected a strong fort ; that our 
troops had marched near 40 miles up the river, but discovered none of 
the enemy." 

After Brigadier Monckton had landed his infantry, several days were 
spent in getting the provisions and supplies on shore. The Artillery and 
three field pieces were also landed. Exploring parties were sent out 
from time to time. They found the country so rough and broken and 
the forest so dense that all agreed it was quite impracticable to proceed 
with the expedition by land. Monckton's ships were too large to go up 
the river or to attempt with safety the passage of the Falls. Accordingly, 
Rogers was sent to Annapolis and Cobb to Fort Cumberland to press 
into the King's service any available sloops or schooners in those parts 
for transporting provisions and stores up the river. Meanwhile he 
decided to restore the old fort, and work upon it was begun on the 24th 
of September. " My reasons," he says, " for fixing on this spot, though 
somewhat commanded by the hill on the back, were that it was so much 
work ready done to our hands, the command it would have of the harbor, 
the convenience of landing our stores, and the great difficulties that 
would have attended its being erected farther back from the shore, hav- 
ing" no conveniency for moving our stores but by men. Besides, as the 
season was so far advanced, and we had still to go up the river, I thought 
it best to fix on what would be soonest done. . And in regard to the 
hill that has some command of it, it is only with cannon, which the enemy 
would find great difficulty in bringing, and this may hereafter be remedied 
by erecting some small work on it." 

During the next few weeks there was a busy scene about the old fort. 
On a spot where just before there had been scarcely a human 1 habitation, 


an army of 2,000 men was encamped, and a fleet of a dozen vessels lay 
at anchor near the shore. For a month 600 men were daily employed 
in the construction of the works at the fort. The sound of the pick and 
shovel, axe, hammer and saw, were heard on every hand. 

St. John and Annapolis were in close touch in those days, as will 
appear from the following extracts from the journal of Captain John 
Knox : 

*' September 25th. This morning the Ulysses, sloop of war, sailed 
from Annapolis for St. John's harbor. Our Fort Major was sent to 
Brigadier Monckton to give him a true state of this garrison." 

" September 26th. A sloop arrived here from Old York [near Ports- 
mouth, Maine,] with timber, planks and boards for the new fort on St. 
John's river." 

" September 28th. Several sloops arrived here to-day with stores 
of all kinds for St. John's. The reason of their touching at this place 
is to be assured of our fleet and forces being there before them." 

Captain Knox's journal throws light upon several obscure points in 
Monckton's official report to Amherst. We learn, for example, that 
Major Scott's Light Infantry was composed of picked men from the 
various corps who subsequently returned to their own regiments ; also 
that reconnoitering parties of Rangers went up the river, to the distance 
of eighty miles, and brought back reports of their observations, whilst 
Monckton was awaiting the arrival of the small river craft necessary 
to proceed with the main body of his forces. Boishebert retired at this 
time with his small force, and the Jesuit missionary, Germain, took 
advantage of the delay to withdraw the Indians to Quebec, lest they 
should be enticed from allegiance to their old master, the King of 
France. The poor Acadians, in their little settlements at Grimross, St. 
Anne's and elsewhere, were left unprotected, and in a state of unrest and 
alarm. Their scouts soon divined the intention of the British general 
to proceed up the river, and every day increased their dire forebodings 
of coming disaster. They sought safety in the woods and lived after 
the Indian fashion. Their condition was pitiable. 

While the fort was building, Monckton was engaged in collecting 
military stores, provisions and supplies of various kinds for which he 
sent to Fort Cumberland, Annapolis, Halifax and Boston. The officers' 
barracks were erected on the 2nd of October and the work at the fort 
made rapid progress, but it was not until the 21st of October that the 


expedition was in a position to proceed up the river. The early autumn 
days wore rapidly away as the work at the fort went on. Carleton has 
never since had so many able-bodied citizens as Monckton's 2,000 soldiers. 
Nor has the city of St. John ever had so large a body of troops in resi- 
dence as were encamped for two months on the rising ground back of the 
fort in Carleton in the autumn of 1758. 

The fort, as re-constructed, was called Fort Frederick, and traces of 
its ramparts are visible at the present day. 

Captain Cobb returned from Fort Cumberland on the 30th of Sep- 
tember with Danks' company of Rangers, five whale boats and nine 

The extracts from Knox's journal, which follow, are particularly 
interesting : 

" October 6th. Vessels are continually running between this port 
[Annapolis J, Boston, Halifax and St. John — now Fort Frederic. From 
the latter of these places our Fort Major is returned. He says that the 
new fort will be a strong compact place, will mount 21 pieces of cannon, 
from four to twelve pounders, besides several mortars, swivels and wall 
pieces, and that the barracks for the garrison are almost finished. 
Brigadier Monckton had detached a small reconnoitering party of rang- 
ers, up the country. They proceeded to the distance of 80 miles, keeping 
the course of the river, and at their return reported that they saw several 
large settlements with fields of corn still standing, but did not discover 
any of the enemy. The French prisoners that were at Fort Cumberland 
have been sent to Fort Frederic to serve as guides and pilots on the river 
St. John. They have informed the Brigadier that Boishebert was ex- 
pected to be at this time at the head of that river with 500 regulars and 
militia and 200 savages, but that upon the approach of our armament 
they will retire, unless they have lately received orders from M. de 
Vaudreuil, Governor Gen'l of Canada, to act otherwise. They add that 
the two privateers are above the Falls and may be easily recovered." 

In a footnote it is stated that these privateers were the Eagle trading 
sloop and the Endeavour schooner, which were surprised as they lay at 
anchor; Meares and Gerow were the masters, who with other seamen 
were sent to Quebec as prisoners. 

Captain Knox here introduces a curious incident that had lately 
happened in the garrison at Fort Cumberland, and which was doubtless 
regarded with interest, and very freely discussed by the officers of all 
the garrisons, i. e., of Fort Cumberland, Annapolis and Fort Frederick. 
We quote from the journal: 


" Colonel James, of the 43d regiment, has lately sustained a severe 
loss. His servant, who was a Frenchman, or Swiss* and had been many 
years a soldier in the regiment, deserted from Fort Cumberland, and took 
with him near 80 guineas, a fusil, a pair of silver mountel pistols, a 
sword mounted with the same metal and several other articles. Before 
he went off he communicated his intentions to the French female prison- 
ers, who gave him full directions about the road he should take and the 
places where it was most probable he would fall in with the enemy, for 
which (and perhaps other favors) the deserter rewarded them with a 
hat full of silver, being dollars, fourths and eights of the same money, 
as he apprehended such a quantity might be too weighty for him to carry 
away. A large party of regulars and rangers were sent in pursuit, but 
did not come up with him ; they took one prisoner, destroyed a large 
settlement and burned about 200 bushels of wheat and other provisions. 
Brigadier Monckton being immediately apprised of this robbery, de- 
tached a party of rangers as far as Pitscordiac [Petitcodiac] River in 
hopes to intercept the deserter, but they also returned without meeting 
him. They surprised two Frenchmen fishing, who were taken after a 
fruitless resistance. Upon the return of the rangers to Fort Frederic, 
the two prisoners were very sullen and refused to give any intelligence, 
but being threatened with a gibbet, they afterwards proved more open 
and were very serviceable. Colonel James has since recovered the great- 
est part of the dollars and small money, which the French women had 
concealed in some of their old rags in holes of the chimney and other 
hiding places of the apartment where they were confined." ■ 

The people of New England learned from time to time of the pro- 
gress of events at Fort Frederick, and the amount of space devoted to 
the latest news from the River St. John by the Boston Post and other 
newspapers shows that the interest was general throughout New Eng- 
land. The continuous border warfare with the French and Indians had 
created among the belligerants an intensity of bitterness which it is hard 
for those not well read in our early history to understand. A specimen 
of this animosity will be found in the following passage quoted from 
Knox's journal: 

" October 27th. A sloop is returned from Fort Frederic. The 
master of her assures us that the Cape Sable detachment have been very 
successful; that they surprised 100 of the French — men, women and 
children, whom thev made prisoners, burned and destroyed all their 
settlements and sent their captives to Halifax to be transmitted from 
thence to Europe. With inconceivable pleasure we now behold the 
situation of affairs most happily changed in this province by the glorious 
success of His Majesty's arms at Louisburg. The wretched inhabitants 


oi this country — as well French as the aborigines — are* now paying dear 
for all their inhuman and barbarous treatment of British subjects, and 
feeling the just weight of our resentment. 

\ few nights ago as the Ulysses sloop of war was going over the 
falls at St. John's River above Fort Frederic, she struck and instantly 
sunk; there were not many lives lost; most of the casks and many other 
articles (military stores excepted) floated towards the shore and have 
been since recovered. 

" Brigadier Monckton and the forces are gone up the river from 
Fort Frederic. This intelligence is received by a brig from thence, 
which was dispatched here for provisions, iron work, a forge and bellows, 
etc., etc.. and also for some smiths and carpenters." 

The Boston Post, in its issue of the 30th October, contains the follow- 
ing reference to affairs at St. John: 

" Wednesday last Capt. Miller arrived here in 6 days with despatches 
from our forces at St. John's River in Nova Scotia, by which we learn 
that Brigadier General Monckton had almost finished a strong fort, just 
above the entrance of that river, on the same spot where the French some 
years ago erected a fort, which they afterwards demolished. That the 
French and Indians continue to retire farther up, as our Rangers advance 
in their scouting, in which they have discovered several of thein huts and 
fields, etc., which they had deserted. That a number of vessels lay 
ready to carry a body of our troops as far up the river as they possibly 
could, where 'tis said the French have a small fort, and where they have 
got up the two vessels that were taken from the English some time ago 
in the Bay of Funday, and afterwards improved as cruisers. That these 
troops were to proceed, as soon as Maj. Morris had joined them from 
Cape Sable, from which place they had an express the 17th inst. with an 
account that Maj. Morris and Capt. Goreham, with a number of our 
forces had taken a French place called Capesse, with 70 prisoners and 
about 100 head of cattle ; among the prisoners was a French priest, who 
has engaged, upon granting them indemnity, to bring in 200 more to 
submit themselves ; and 'tis said he is accordingly gone with a party of 
our troops, with a flag of truce, for that purpose." 

It was not till the expiration of a month from the date of his landing 
at St. John that Brigadier Monckton was ready to proceed up the river 
to destroy the French settlements, as he had been instructed to do. 
Even then the start was not a very auspicious one, as we learn from the 
entry in his journal, under date October 21st, which reads: 

" Works continued. Having got together several sloops and schoon- 
ers and victual VI them, I order Cobb & Rogers to pass the Falls to cover 


the other vessels as they might be able to get through. They accordingly 
get under way. Cobb being the headmost passes the Narrows* but is 
too late to get over the Falls and obliged to come too in a little cove 
below. The Ulysses, Capt. Rogers, in passing the Narrows, strikes on 
a rock, and is driven by the tide into a creek above Cobb, where the 
vessel sunk in a short time, and it was with great difficulty the Light 
Infantry, who were in her, and crew were saved. Upon hearing this 
and that Cobb did not lay very safe I ordered him down again and very 
luckily, for at Low Water he would have struck on the Rocks." 

The captain of the man-of-war " Squirrel " endeavored to raise the 
" Ulysses/' but was forced to abandon the attempt, and she proved a 
total wreck. 

Having at length got the smaller vessels safely above the Falls and 
the troops on board, with provisions for a fortnight, Monckton himself 
embarked in Capt. Cobb's sloop " York," leaving Capt. Bellen, of the 
35th Regiment, in command of the troops at the fort. The force that 
proceeded up the river numbered about 1,200 men. 

The little fleet set out on the 30th of October, and on the following 
day arrived at Isle a u Garce, or Caton's Island, below Oak Point, in the 
Long Reach. This is the island upon which some traders and fishers of 
St. Malo built their huts and formed a small settlement in 161 1.. It was 
probably the first European settlement within the confines of this pro- 
vince. The island was at that time known by its Indian name, Emenenic. 
The Jesuit missionary, Biard, held on the island in the month of October, 
161 1, the first religious service on the St. John of which we have any 
distinct record. The Indians still call the Island " Ah-men-henik," 
which is almost identical in sound with Biard's Emenenic, proving that 
the old Indian name has persisted for three hundred years. The 
plan of the river on the next page was made by the surveyor, 
Samuel Holland, who accompanied Monckton in the expedition. It is 
of special interest on account of the peculiar intermixture of French and 
English names. This feature is quite in harmony with the epoch, which 
was one of transition. The Devil's Back was then known by its French 
equivalent, Cap Diable, and Oak Point by its equivalent, Point au Chaines. 

On the evening of November 2nd, the sloop " York," with General 
Monckton on board, came to anchor under lee of Long Island. Some 

At the site of the present Suspension Bridge. 

To'mt ao\ 


5ca/e oj Ten m'titS- 
i 3 . t- f i .1 * 1 *: 


of the party landed and found on the island walnuts (or butternuts) 
" much like English walnuts.'' 

Saturday, November 4th, was a lamentable day for the Acadians at 
the village of Grimross, the site of the present village of Gagetown. The 
settlers had abandoned their homes, carried their effects into the woods 
and driven off their cattle. Monckton landed 700 men, a party large 
enough in all conscience, but he thought it wise to take every precaution, 
not knowing what opposition he might experience. They met with not 
the slightest resistance. In his journal he writes: 

" It being late in the day I gave orders for burning the houses and 
barns, being in all about 50, and for destroying all the grain, of which 
there was a good deal, and everything else that could be of the least 
service to the inhabitants hereafter. Having burnt and destroyed every- 
thing we marched back and re-embarked. As we were disembarking in 
the morning some canoes were seen crossing the head of Grimrose river 
[Gagetown Creek], and near where we landed there had lately been 
some birch canoes made. Much cleared land here. Fine country. This 
village was settled by the inhabitants of Beausejour, when drove off from 
thence in 1755." 

The expedition only got a little further when the "York" got aground, 
and several of the transports had a similar experience. Monckton was 
forced to give up the idea of proceeding to St. Ann's on account of the 
shoalness of the water and the lateness of the season. He therefore 
determined to return and destroy everything he could on his way down 
the river. The surrounding country was scoured by McCurdy's rangers, 
who succeeded in killing some cattle, but took no prisoners. Danks' and 
Brewer's rangers burned a number of houses at Upper Gagetown. As 
they were returning from their foray, they came across some Frenchmen 
who were driving off about forty head of cattle. Most of the cattle 
were destroyed, but the Acadians made their escape. Capt. McCurdy 
was sent across the river to the Jemseg to destroy all the houses and 
grain that he might find in that quarter, and to kill the cattle, and these 
orders were duly obeyed. Monckton burnt the little settlement called 
Yilleray's (about three miles below Gagetown), and, as he came down 
the river, sent a small party to burn the historic settlement of the Sieur 
de Belleisle and his sons-in-law, the brothers Robicheaux, just above 
Belleisle Bay. On the 8th November, after an absence of ten days he 
arrived at the place above the Falls where the troops had embarked. 


The Boston Gazette and Country Journal, in its issue of the 27th 
November, 1 758, mentions having" received news of the return to Fort 
Frederick of the party that had gone up the river. The paragraph reads : 

Friday last [Nov. 24] a Transport, Capt. Edwards, arrived here 
from St. John's, having Ti;oops belonging to the Train (of Artillery). 
By him we learn that Col. Monckton had proceeded as far up that river 
as he possibly could ; that he killed between 30 and 40 head of cattle, 
eight or ten horses, and a number of hogs, sheep, etc., and that he burnt 
all the houses, barns, huts, grain, etc., for twenty leagues up the river. 
We also hear that Capt. Cobb had taken a sloop and a schooner, besides 
a number of prisoners." 

Monckton himself was not very much elated at his success, for a few 
days after his return he wrote to Lieut. -Governor de Lancey, of New 
York : 

" 1 am sorry I can't give you a better account of our proceedings 
up this river. But it was attended with so many unavoidable delays 
and impediments that we were only able to go up about 23 leagues, which 
is above ten leagues short of St. Annes — where, if we had been able to 
have reached, it is by very certain accounts of no consequence, being only 
a village and not the least signs of a fort. 

" We burnt one village and some straggling houses and destroyed 
everything that could be the least serviceable to them, so that I should 
think that they will in the spring be obliged to, return to Canada. The 
River, after passing the Falls, is as fine a river as ever I saw, and when 
you get up about ten leagues the country is level, with fine woods of oak, 
beech, birch and walnut, and no underwood, and the land able to produce 
anything. We have just finished a pretty good fort here, where the old 
French Fort stood, which will be a footing for anything that may be 
thought proper to be undertaken hereafter." 

Brigadier Moncktcn was not alone in his admiration of our noble 
River St. John, as we find from the following entry in Capt. Knox's 
journal : 

" November 26th — Being curious in my inquiries about the river St. 
John's, a very ingenious, sensible officer of the 35th regiment informed 
me that he surveyed that river in his passage up and down; that it is 
spacious and deep, for he also took the soundings of it; that at the 
broadest part is is above three miles over, and at the narrowest some- 
thing less than one mile; that there is sufficient water for ships of from 
one to five hundred tons burthen; and, in short, he spoke of it with great 


rapture and praises. This agreeable gentleman* promised me a sight 
of his observations and remarks, which he had reduced to writing, but 
not being able then to get at his papers (as he had not yet opened his 
baggage), and we being both unsettled during my stay here, Llost that 
satisfaction. I remember I asked him how it came to pass that the 
Ulysses sloop of war was lost in sailing upwards? To this he replied 
that fault, if any, lay in the pilot 'and not in the navigation, and that this 
loss was merely accidental." 

While Monckton was absent, three hundred men had been steadily 
at work on the fort ; so that it must have been nearly finished when he 
returned. It received the name of Fort Frederick, in honor of one of 
the princes of the House of Brunswick. 

The last of the vessels from up the river arrived at Fort Frederick 
on the nth of November, and Monckton at once took steps to distribute 
his troops among the garrisons of Fort Cumberland, Windsor, Annapolis 
and Halifax. 

At Annapolis Royal intelligence was eagerly awaited of the results of 
Monckton's expedition.- Capt. Knox complains of the monotony of 
garrison duty. " Troops," he says, " that are confined to the retired 
forts in this country lead a very insipid, disagreeable kind of life. 
Soldiers are naturally found of variety and activity. The want of a good 
collection of books is a very sensible loss to the officers, and the constant 
sameness in all we' hear and see is tiresome, one day being the dull 
duplicate of another." \ 

Intelligence was received at Annapolis in due time, as we learn from 
Knox's journal : 

" November 19th — Some guns were heard this morning from the 
Bay, which we conjecture are to notify the return of Brigadier Monckton 
and the troops from the upper part of the St. John's river to Fort Fred- 
erick. We are in hourly expectation of being relieved by a detachment 
of the 35th regiment. A schooner arrived here to-day after a passage 
of four days only from Boston. This is very remarkable, that run being 
often from 8 to 14 days, but generally 6 or 7. She is bound to Fort 
Frederic with King's provisions and was put in here by a contrary 

* In a footnote, Capt. Knox says that the officer who gave him this information was Capt. 
Ince, a very accomplished and worthy fellow, who died of the wounds he received at the 
second battle of Quebec. He was well known in the polite world for his fine voice and great 
taste in music. He departed universally lamented. Captain Ince may have been associated 
with Samuel Holland in the survey of the river at this time. 


" November 21st — Arrived from Fort Frederick an hospital ship with 
sick men and a small schooner with convalescents, belonging to the 35th 
regiment, together with their surgeon." 

" November 23rd — Five companies of the 35th regiment arrived 
to-day. The other half of the regiment is stationed between Fort Fred- 
erick and Fort Edward (Windsor), three companies at the former of 
these places and two at the latter. The battalion of Royal Americans 
that was employed with the 35th are sailed under Brigadier Monckton 
to Halifax. The rangers are cantoned throughout the province as usual, 
and the light infantry, which were composed of chosen men from the 
different regiments are returned to their respective corps. We have the 
pleasure of meeting with some of our old acquaintances among the 
officers of this new garrison (the 35th regiment) who inform us that 
when Brigadier Monckton and the forces were landing at St. John's a 
body of 200 Indians, who have always inhabited the banks of that river, 
lay in ambush on the top of a cape or headland, which commands the 
place of disembarkation ; that they were very eager to fire upon our 
troops, but were prevented by some of their sachems, or chiefs, who told 
them that if they proposed making peace with the English, which in the 
present situation of affairs they earnestly exhorted them to think of, this 
would be a bad way to effect it. Upon this advice they retired, and 
proceeded up the country to consult with their good friends the French, 
to whom they imparted their intentions of burying the hatchet and 
brightening the chain [of friendship] with the British governor; but an 
ignorant priest, disapproving their conduct, scolded and abused them for 
not endeavoring to oppose the landing of the forces, diverted them from 
their pacific intentions and decoyed them to escort and accompany him 
to Canada. This intelligence they received from some prisoners they 
took in their expedition up that river, where they found the two traders 
[vessels] of which the enemy had possessed themselves some months ago. 
In the course of this service several settlements were destroyed, about 
forty captives were made and almost a hundred head of black cattle 
killed. This armament did not proceed to the head of St. John's river, 
for the frost setting in earlier than usual and with greater severity they 
were apprehensive of being frozen up, and therefore returned to the 
fort, which they found completed for the reception of its new garrison." 

Many of the Acadians on the St. John retired to Quebec upon the 
destruction of their settlements by the English invaders. The Marquis 
de Vaudreuil mentions their arrival in a letter than he wrote to the French 
minister on the 9th November, 1758. Some, however, who lived at the 
village of St. Anne's, remained, vainly trusting that they were sufficiently 
remote to escape molestation. 


The Marquis de Vaudreuil was keenly interested in the course of 
events on the St. John, although his forces were much too small to repel 
the invaders. He wrote to the French Minister of Foreign Affairs that 
a French-Canadian had lately escaped from confinement at Fort Fred- 
erick, at the mouth of the River St. John, and returned to Canada. He 
described the English fort as exactly of the same size as the old fort, 
but much stronger. The embankment was at least ten feet in thickness 
and surmounted by palisades ten feet high in the form of chevaux de 
frise. The Frenchman had counted eighteen cannons of 18 L. calibre, 
and the English had told him they expected to mount in all thirty cannons 
of 20 L. and of 18 L. 

A very interesting plan of Fort Frederick and its surroundings* has 
been lately brought to light by the researches of our indefatigable cor- 
responding member, Dr. W. F. Ganong. This plan is reproduced in 
these pages, on a slightly reduced scale, and is worthy of careful study. 
The. situation and outline of the bastions of the fort are clearly shown, 
also the contour of the shore and other topographical features. Upon 
comparing the plan with a modern map' of Carleton, we find the site of 
the huts occupied by the Massachusetts Rangers to have been a little 
west of the Market Place, near the south line of what is now King Street. 
The star fort marked B, near the site of St. George's church, was never 
built, nor were any of the -block houses erected except those marked 
with the letter C, one of which occupied the high ground near Uriah 
Dake's residence on Water Street, where a number of relics have from 
time to time been dug up ; the other stood near the corner of Ludlow and 
Guilford Streets. The streets marked on the plan are of course merely 
ideal, and at that time had no existence. Fort Frederick could not com- 
fortably accommodate within its ramparts so large a garrison as the one 
that wintered there in 1758-9. The erection of huts for the rangers was 
consequently a matter of necessity. It seems to have been considered 
advisable to continue the use of the huts, although the garrison was 
reduced considerably after the first year. The fort site was itself rather 
small, and taking into consideration the space required for the magazine, 

* The original of this plan is to be found amongst " A set of plans and forts in America, 
reduced from actual survey, 1763," by J. Rocque, a copy of which is in the library of Congress 
in Washington. See Dr. Ganong's " Additions to Monographs " in the Transactions of the 
Royal Society of Canada for 1906. page 142. 


garrison stores, officers' barracks, etc., there was little freedom of move- 
ment for the men. The surrounding country being* practically a wilder- 
ness, i here was no likelihood of desertion, or of the men being out of 
quarters after gun-fire. A glance at the plan shows that the fort site 
was separated from the mainland, even at low tide, by a creek, and at 
high water it was in every sense an island. This was in itself an incon- 
venience. A greater one was the lack of drinking water. Complaints 
on this head go back at least to the time of Governor Villebon's residence. 
One oi his officers, in a letter written June 23rd, 1699, says: "The 
Governor keeps the water within the fort for the exclusive use of his 
kitchen and his mare, others being obliged to use snow water, often very 
dirty." The fort was then called Menagoeche, or " Fort de la Riviere 
de St. Jean." Governor Villebon died there on the 5th of July, 1700. 
lie was in all probability interred in the garrison burial ground which, 
there is reason to believe, is now occupied by the foot of King Street. 
His successor, Brouillan, determined to abandon the fort, alleging that 
it was too small, and was commanded on one side by an island [Navy 
Island J at the distance of a pistol shot, and on the other by a height, with 
tlie further advantage of having no water to drink, without going to seek 
it across the river that flowed about it. He therefore caused the forti- 
fications to be razed, demolished the houses, and carried away the guns 
and everything of a portable character to Port Royal. The cannon 
mounted on the ramparts some years later by Boishebert were probably 
not those removed by Brouillan. 

It has already been related in this paper that Boishebert, on the arrival 
of Capt. Rous with his squadron at, the mouth of the river in 1755, blew 
up his magazine, burst his cannon and retired up the river; and it is worth 
mentioning in this connection that a few years ago some workmen who 
were employed in laying down a sewer at the old fort site dug up a frag- 
ment of a very old cannon of small calibre. It was hooped with iron 
to give it additional strength, and is in all probability a fragment of one 
of the guns destroyed by Boishebert. Many gun fragments were doubt- 
less covered by the earth dumped upon the spot by Monckton's soldiers 
in the construction of the' terraces of Fort Frederick. The fragment of 
the old gun is shown in the accompanying illustration.* 

* The Run fragment is now in possession of Samuel K. Wilson, who lives on the old fort 
site in Carlet.on Mr. Wilson has other interesting relics, including a half penny of the time 
of George the Second (1749), a soldier's button with the figure " 8 " and letter " K " thereon, 
etc.. etc. 



When the foot of King Street, in Carleton, was graded, some .twenty- 
five years ago. the workmen, in their digging, came upon an old grave- 
yard, presumably the garrison burial ground long used by the French 
and English. About the same time, or a little earlier, a number of relics 
were dug up at the old fort site on Middle Street. Thomas O'Keleher, 
who made a survey of the vicinity for the government in 1847, records 
in his field book some statements of aged citizens in Carleton concerning 
the old burial ground. 

In the plan of St. John harbor, made by Lieut. Bruce of the Engineers 
in 1 761, " gardens " are marked upon the slopes of the hillsides back of 
the fort. These spots, cleared originally by the French, we may suppose, 
were afterwards cultivated by the English garrison. 

After his return from the expedition up the St. John river, General 
Monckton stayed at Fort Frederick until the 21st of November, when, 
finding the fortifications and barracks complete and winter at hand, he 
sailed to Halifax. Three companies of the 35th Regiment aad a detach- 
ment of artillerv were ordered to remain at the fort ; and the fuel for 

:> French Ca 

the garrison not having been laid in, McCurdy's, Stark's and Brewer's 
companies of Massachusetts Rangers were also left behind as wood- 
cutters. Monckton 's. instructions to Major Morris were that Captain 
McCurdy's company should hut and remain for the winter, the other 


two, after completing the wood supply, to proceed to Halifax in the 
vessels which he left for their transport. This they probably did before 
the end oi December. 

The first winter's garrison at St. John comprised about 300 men. 
Their commanding officer, -Major Roger Morris, had a distinguished 
military career. He was born in England, January 28, 17 17. In 1755 
he was a captain in the 48th Regiment and aide-de-camp to General 
Braddock. In the disastrous encounter with the French near Fort du 
yuesne, Braddock, after five horses were killed under him, was mortally 
wounded ; his two aide-de-camps, Orme and Morris, were also wounded, 
and his extra aide-de-camp, George Washington, had two horses shot 
under him, and his clothes shot through in several places. Early in 1758 
Roger Morris exchanged into the 35th Regiment, in which he served 
under Colonel Otway at the siege of Louisbourg, and afterwards came 
with Brigadier Monckton to the River St. John. He was left in com- 
mand at Fort Frederick during the winter of 1758-9. The next year he 
was with Wolfe at the capture of Quebec, and rendered efficient service 
a little later at the battle of Sillery, When he retired from the army in 
1764 he was a lieutenant-colonel. He went to New York and was 
appointed a member of the Executive Council of the province. 

The year 1758 was an eventful one to Major Morris. Shortly before 
the siege of Louisbourg he married Mary Philipse, of New York, a lady 
renowned for her beauty and accomplishments, and who is believed to 
have refused an offer of marriage from no less a personage than George 
Washington. Her sister, Susannah Philipse, married Colonel Beverley 

During the American Revolution the State of New York passed an 
act by which fifty-nine individuals were proscribed and banished, and 
their estates forfeited to the people of the State. This list included the 
names of Rev. DY. Charles Inglis, rector of Trinity church, New York, 
and Margaret, his wife; Colonel Roger Morris and Mary, his wife; 
Colonel Beverley Robinson and Susannah, his wife. The ladies men- 
tioned are the only women known to have been attainted for treason by 
any of the States. They, in common, with their husbands, were declared 
to be forever banished, and in case of their return to be adjudged and 
declared to be guilty of felony and to suffer death as in cases of felony. 
The crime with which "the unfortunate ladies were charged was that of 


" adhering to the enemies of the States," that is to say, of not abandoning 
their own husbands. The real motive on the part of the vindictive New 
York Legislature was to get possession of their large estates. That of 
Mary (Philipse) Morris eventually passed into the hands of the Astor 
family, and was, to a considerable extent, the foundation of their fortune. 
Mrs. Morris survived her husband, and died at York, in England, in 
1825, at the age of 95 years. 

Returning from this digression, we proceed to consider again the 
course of events at the River St. John. 

Sir Wm. Shirley, the Governor of Massachusetts, in his correspond- 
ence with the Governor of Nova Scotia, had repeatedly urged the neces- 
sity of dislodging the Acadians settled at St. Anne's. In his letter, 
dated at Boston, March 13th, 1756, he writes: 

" As to the other principal object of attention, which I have before 
mentioned, viz. : the taking possession of and fortifying St. John's River, 
I think dislodging and taking possession of their upper fort — which from 
the accounts given by some of the Eastern Indians and New England 
traders to those parts it seems probable they have built about 90 miles 
up the river and six miles below the old Indian Town — is an essential 

Governor Shirley thought it might be necessary to establish a fortified 
post at St. Anne's to prevent the Acadians from returning and to over- 
awe the Indians. He thought that a garrison of fifty men would in that 
event be sufficient at the mouth of the river. 

Part of the programme proposed by the Governor of Massachusetts 
had now been carried out by the erection of Fort Frederick. The dis- 
possessing of the French at St. Anne's remained to be done. 

Monckton, although unable himself to get to St. Anne's, had ascer- 
tained that it was only a defenceless village. In the ensuing winter the 
village was completely destroyed by McCurdy's rangers, as we learn 
from General Amherst's letter to William Pitt, of April 19, 1759: 

" I have received a report from Major Morris, commanding at Fort 
Frederick, on the St John's River, in the Bay of Fundy, that Capt. 
McCurdy, commanding the ranging company there was, when on a scout, 
killed by the fall of a tree. Lieut. Hazen afterwards marched with a 
party up the River St. John's, on the 19th of February ; went up higher 
than St. Ann's, burnt and destroyed the village, took six prisoners, killed 
six and five made their escape; he returned to the fort on the 5th of 


March with his prisoners and without the loss of a man. One of the 
prisoners, whose name is Beausejour, has a commission from Monsieur 
de Galisonniere issued in 1749, as major of militia for the River St. John. 
By the intelligence it appears that the chief part of the inhabitants be- 
longing to this river went to Canada last fall * * * * on Brigadier 
Monckton's taking post at St. John's; and now that Lt. Hazen has burnt 
upwards of a hundred buildings, killed the cattle and destroyed the 
premises, it will not be possible for the enemy to take any hold there." 
The major of militia, Beausejour, mentioned above, is better known 
as Bellefontaine. lie was one of the oldest inhabitants on the river. 
After his release from imprisonment he went, with others of his relations, 
to live at Cherbourg, in France. He obtained a pension of 300 livres 
on account of his losses and services. The minute with regard to his 
application for a pension states: 

" The Sieur Joseph Bellefontaine (or Beausejour) of the River St. 
John, son of Gabriel, an officer of the King's ships in Canada and of 
Angelique Roberte-Jeanne, was major of all the militia of the River St. 
John by order of M. de la Galissonniere, of the 10th April, 1749,, and 
always exercised his function during the war until he was captured by 
the enemy. He possessed several leagues of land in that quarter, and 
while he lived there experienced the grief of beholding one of his 
daughters and three of her children massacred before his eyes by the 
English, who wished by this piece of cruelty to induce him to take their 
part in order to escape similar treatment. He only escaped such a fate 
by his flight into the woods, carrying along with him two other children 
of the same daughter." 

The young mother so ruthlessly slain was Nastasie Bellefontaine, 
wife of Eustache Pare. Other victims at this time were the wife and 
child of Michael Bellefontaine, a son of Major Joseph Bellefontaine. 
The poor fellow says he had the anguish of seeing his wife and boy 
killed before his eyes on his refusal to side with the enemy. 

Xews of the destruction of St. Anne's reached the Annapolis garrison 
not long after its occurrence, for Captain John Knox writes in his 
journal that the captain of a company of rangers in their garrison had 
received a letter from Lieutenant Butler, of the garrison at Fort Fred- 
erick, written on the 6th of March, which contained the following- 
intelligence : 

" Captain McCurdy was killed by the falling of a tree on the 30th, 
of January. Lieutenant Hazen commands at present, who returned last 
night from a scout up the river. He marched from this fort the 18th 


February and went to St. Ann's :^the whole of the inhabitants being gone 
off, he burned one hundred and forty-seven dwelling houses, two mass 
houses, besides all their barns, stables, granaries, etc. He returned 

down the river about where he found a house in a thick forest, with 

a number of cattle, horses and hogs ; these he destroyed. There was 
fire in the chimney; the people were gone off into the woods; he pursued, 
killed and scalped six men, brought in four, with two women and three 
children ; he returned to the house, set it on fire, threw the cattle into the 
flames and arrived safe with his prisoners he and the party all well." 

All this seems very horrible, and hard to believe, but unfortunately 
the savagery of the New Englanders finds confirmation from other 
sources. The Commander-in-chief in America, General Amherst, wrote 
the Governor of Nova Scotia : 

' You will have heard of the accident poor Capt. McCurdy met with 
as likewise of the success of his Lieut, in demolishing the settlement of 
St. Anne's; on the recommendation of Major Scott I have preferred 
Lieut. Hazen to Capt. McCurdy's company." 

But the Commander-in-Chief a few weeks later wrote : 

" Major Morris sent me particulars of the scouting party and I gave 
a commission of Captain to Lieut. Hazen, as I thought he deserved it ; 
I am sorry to say what I have since heard of that affair has sullied his 
merit with me, as I shall always disapprove of killing women and help- 
less children. Poor McCurdy is a loss, he was a good man in his post." 

It would seem from a despatch of the Marquis de Vandreuil that 
the tragic event to which General Amherst refers took place on Sunday, 
the 28th of February, on which occasion, Vandreuil says, the New Eng- 
land troops killed two women and four children, whose scalps were 
carried off. 

Further reference to the event is to be found in Rev. Jacob Bailey's 
journal. This gentleman, while travelling, had occasion to lodge at 
Norwood's Inn, Lynn, Massachusetts, one night in December, 1759, and, 
speaking of the company he found there, says : 

" We had among us a soldier belonging to Captain Hazen's company 
of rangers, who declared that several Frenchmen were barbarously 
murdered by them, after quarters were given, and the villain added, I 
suppose to show his importance, that he 'split the head of one asunder, 
after he fell on his knees to implore mercy. A specimen of New Eng- 
land clemencv ! " 


It may well be doubted whether this tragedy of the wilderness was 
enacted in Lieutenant's Hazen's presence or with his consent. It was 
probably an exemplification of the words of Captain Murray, written at 
the time of the Expulsion of the Acadians : "Our soldiers, you know, 
hate them, and if they can find an occasion to kill them, they will." 

In the Revolutionary War Moses Hazen was a "rebel," fought 
against the King, raised a corps known as " Hazen's Own," and rose 
to the rank of major-general. His younger brother, William, well known 
as one of the founders of St. John and a member of the first Executive 
Council of New Brunswick, was thoroughly loyal to the Crown. 

In consequence of this mid-winter foray of the Massachusetts 
Rangers, St. Anne's was left in a state of desolation. Moses Perley 
says that when the advance party of the Maugerville colony arrived 
there in 1762, they found the whole river front, of what is now the city 
of Fredericton, cleared for about ten rods back from the bank, and they 
saw the blackened remains of a considerable settlement. The houses 
had been burned, and the cultivated land was fast relapsing into a wilder- 
ness state. In this condition the place remained until the arrival of the 
Loyalists in 1783. It is a curious circumstance that many of the men 
of Massachusetts, who were instrumental in the expulsion of the Acadians, 
were afterwards instrumental in the expulsion of the American Loyalists, 
who were driven as exiles to the lands once occupied by the exiled 

An interesting incident connected with the period of French occupa- 
tion was related many years ago by the grandmother of the late Judge 
Fisher to one of her descendants. The good old lady came to St. Annes 
in ( October, 1783. Not many months after her arrival there was a great 
scarcity of provisions, and the unfortunate settlers, in some cases, were 
obliged to dig up the potatoes they had planted and eat them. As the 
season advanced they were cheered by the discovery of large patches of 
pure white beans, marked with a black cross. They had been planted 
bv the French, and were growing wild. In their joy at this fortunate 
discovery the settlers called them " the staff of life and the hope of the 

Glimpses of the course of events at Fort Frederick during the next 
few years are to be found in the correspondence of the governors of 
Nova Scotia and Massachusetts. We have also valuable information 


in the interesting diary of John Burrell, lately published in the New 
England Historical and Genealogical Register.* Burrell belonged to 
Abington, Mass., and was a sergeant in Captain Moses Parker's com- 
pany at Fort Frederick in 1759. The commandant of the garrison at 
that time was Colonel Arbuthnot. Among the officers were Commissary 
Henry Green, Captains Parker and Gerrish, Lieutenants Hutchins, 
Clapp, Deming and Foster, and Ensigns Pike and Tirrell. The garrison 
included about two hundred Massachusetts troops. 

The period covered by Sergeant Burrell's diary begins with the 3rd 
of August, 1759, and ends with the 23rd of July, 1760. Some of the 
incidents he has recorded will appear trivial, but they were such as 
served to break the monotony of life in the wilderness, and, as specimens, 
we will take the following: 

" Thursday 30 August we kild a Bare a swimming acrost ye River." 

" Sonday 30th September a white Moos came Down on ye Pint and 
we fired on it." 

" Wednesday 17th October A Cold Storm and it snowed a little ye 
wind blue." 

"Tuesday. ye 1st day of ye year 1760 three Indians fell over Bord 
& Drowned, one leetle Boye got a shoare." 

" Wednesday ye 16th [Jan'y] Reseved a letter from my wif date 
July ye 15th 1759." 

" Tusday ye 226. Day of Janawary 1760 Between 10 & 11 o'clock at 
night a Commett was seen to fall in ye north west & a noyes was heard 
like to 3 cannon! Destink." 

" Fryday ye 18th maid a vitualing Role and all ye soldiers were 
revewed toDay." 

" Thursday ye 21 [February] our Capt Parker went up to Bobares 
Fort a fishing." 

" Fryday ye 29 Leape yeare 1760." 

" Sonday ye 23d [March] a Snow Storm, we all Receved 4 pds 
Bounty of Col. Arbuthnott." 

' Tusday ye 22d [April] finished 30 thou, of shingles." 

" Fryday ye 6th [June] Capt Hart Casel come & we finished off 63 
thousand of H shingles & ye Col paid us 173-5." 

" Sonday ye 8th Rote a Leater home." 

" Tusday ye 10th Delivered to Capt Moses Curtiss one Doble Loon 
for to convey ye same to my wife at Abington." 

* Burrell's diary is re-printed in Acadiensis, October, 1905, with editorial notes, by D. R. 
Jack, Corresponding Secretary to the N. B. Historical Society. 


Such entries as these are very suggestive. The bear and moose and 
other wild creatures roamed freely in the surrounding forest. Indians 
frequently visited the fort, and the accident on New Year's day, by which 
three were drowned and one " leetle Boye " escaped, looks as if they 
had been " celebrating " the day. The isolation of the garrison is shown 
by the fact that the sergeant did not receive his wife's letter till six 
months after it was written. To pass the time and to earn a few extra 
shillings, the men made some thousands of long shaven pine shingles. 

Sergeant Burrell's observations, it will be seen from the extracts, 
were zoological, meterological and astronomical — animals, the weather 
and the meteoric explosion all commanded his attention. The doubloon 
that he sent to his wife was a Spanish gold piece, much in use at that 
time in Nova Scotia and New England. Its value in this province in 
early days was £13 17 6 currency — equivalent to $15.50.* The fishing 
excursion made by Captain Parker to " Bobare's Fort " (now Wood- 
man's Point), in the month of February, shows that mid-winter fishing 
in the Long Reach is by no means a modern idea. 

But there are matters of greater import in Burrell's diary than those 
just mentioned. He relates that on the nth of August, 1759, Colonel 
Arbuthnot, Captain Gerrish, Lieutenants Hutchins, Clapp, Deming and 
Foster, with seventy-five men, went up the river in quest of the French, 
returning a few days later with two schoonersf they had captured and 
a great deal of plunder. The garrison had a " frollek " to celebrate the 
event. The plunder was afterwards sold at the fort by vendue. A 
second expedition of a similar kind turned out disastrously. It seems 
that in spite of the efforts of Monckton and Hazen to dispossess the 
Acadians, they had not withdrawn entirely from the river, but remained 
in seclusion at various places above and below St. Annes. There was a 

* In the year 1819 our Provincial Legislature fixed the value of the doubloon at £4 cur- 
rency, or $16.00. A few years later the value decreased in the United Sfates to $14.50. As 
a natural consequence, every description of silver coin in New Brunswick was sent to Boston 
and Xew York to buy doubloons, which were worth $1.50 more apiece in the province than 
in the U. S. The result was that !n 1824 silver had become very scarce and trade was badly 
hampered. The " unwieldly doubloon and copper rubbish " were almost the only circulating 
medium. Monied men and those who could afford to wait for payments refused to receive 
the doubloon at £4. Many people who could not wait were obliged to submit to a discount 
of from 3 to 5 shillings. The newly-established Bank of New Brunswick helped greatly in 
ln<" emergency to provide the coinage reciuired. 

t These vessels were not improbably the "Eagle" and " Endeavour" mentioned by Captain 
Knox. See page 130 ante. 


more considerable settlement of them on the Oromocto than has been 
generally recognized, * and there were other locations where they still 
lingered. Information as to these localities was no doubt brought to 
the commandant, and the success of the first raid led him to plan another. 
Accordingly, on the night of the 5th of September he proceeded up the 
river with a party of two captains, three lieutenants, two ensigns and 
about eighty-five men. On the 8th, as they were exploring a small 
creek, they were fired on by the French, who lay in ambush. Ensign 
Tirrell and four men were killed and Lieut. Foster and seven others 
wounded, three of them so seriously that they died after their return to 
the fort. The casualties were all in Captain Parker's company, except 
one in Captain Gerrish's. Dr. Ganong is inclined to think this encounter 
took place near French Lake, on the Oromocto River, where local 
tradition says the French fought the English, f This is possible, although 
the time at their disposal seems hardly sufficient to admit of so consider- 
able a party proceeding so great a distance. According to Sergeant 
Burrell, Col. Arbuthnot started up the river on the night of the 5th of 
September, and if the encounter with the French on the 8th took place 
eighty miles from the fort, the expedition must have moved with wonder- 
ful celerity, and without tarrying along their route. 

The ramparts of Fort Frederick were injured by a heavy rain storm 
on the 17th of September, 1759, but far more serious damage was done 
by the storm of the 3rd-4th November. This storm was the most violent 
that had, till then, been known, and must have rivalled the famous 
" Saxby gale " of 1869. The tide rose to a height of six feet above the 
ordinary, and great rollers; driven by the storm, battered down the 
exposed terraces of the fort. The gale levelled the forest near the coast 
and broke down the dykes at the head of the Bay, flooding the lands 
reclaimed by the Acadians. Not only was a considerable portion of the 
earthwork of Fort Frederick swept away, but the store-house was 
demolished by the wind and tide, and some of the provisions lost in the 

* Capt. R. G. Bruce, of the Engineers, writes in October, 1762 : " The first real settlement 
is about 60 miles above the Fort where the River Ramucto [Oromocto] falls into the River 
St. John's. Here I am told there is about 300 acres of clear'd land, chiefly on the River 
Ramucta, which I did not see. * * * * At a place called Opak there are several french 
Families at present settled." 

f See Dr. Ganong's " Additions to Monographs," Transactions of the Royal Society of 
Canada for 1906. pp. 108. 109. 


sea. The damage was so extensive that Lieut. Tonge was sent from 
Fort Cumberland the next summer with a party of engineers to make 
repairs. He found it impossible with the means at his command to 
entirely repair the havoc the storm had wrought, but he strengthened the 
defences as best he could, and planted a strong line of palisades about 
the fort. 

On the 1 8th October (just a month after the event) the garrison 
learned of the surrender of Quebec. The news was brought by three 
Frenchmen, who came to the fort under a flag of truce. They were the 
bearers of a proposal from about two hundred of their compatriots to 
submit to the British government. They desired permission to remain 
upon their lands on promise of fidelity to the English. Colonel Arbuth- 
not made answer that they must all come down to the fort and remain 
until he could communicate with the authorities at Halifax. The Colonel 
made a hasty trip to Annapolis to obtain a small vessel and other assist- 
ance. On his return he went up the river with two captains, three 
lieutenants, one ensign, the surgeon and eighty-seven non-commissioned 
officers and men. On the 4th November Lieut. Hutchins returned in 
his batteau to the fort and announced that the French were all coming 
in as fast as they could. The following day a single French family 
arrived, and two days later the Colonel and his party arrived with thirty 
families in charge. A few others came in afterwards of their own 

The news of the downfall of Quebec had a marked effect upon the 
Indians, who now professed friendship and came into the garrison in 
considerable numbers. They were well treated and received allowances 
of provisions. 

The Acadians quartered at Fort Frederick were truly a forlorn little 
community. Whether they were residents who had lingered in their 
retreats on the St. John, or people lately come from Quebec, is not quite 
clear. They were probably mostly fugitives who had retired to Quebec 
and now wished to return to their loved Acadia. They had exhausted 
their resources and were in no state to return to the woods, where they 
would have died of hunger. They produced letters from Gen'l Monckton 
and Judge Cramahe recommending them to protection. Governor 
Lawrence decided that the letters must have been obtained through mis- 
representation, and ordered the Acadians to be sent to Halifax as 


prisoners. The action of Lawrence was endorsed by General Amherst, 
who wrote : " The pass yon mention the two hundred Inhabitants of St. 
John's River to have from Mr. Monckton, was by no means meant or 
understood to give the French any right to those lands ; and you have 
done perfectly right not to suffer them to continue there, and you will 
be equally right in sending them, when an opportunity offers, to Europe 
as Prisoners of War." 

The deportation at so late a period as this of two hundred people 
from the valley of the St. John is the last act in the tragedy of the 
Acadian expulsion. Father Germain, the Jesuit missionary to the 
Indians, had retired to Quebec upon Monckton's landing at St. John. He 
now returned to his mission, where he found, on his arrival, that all the 
French inhabitants had gone down to the English fort with their families. 
He resolved to join them, as they had no priest, and did so soon after. 
Burrell's diary notes his arrival on the 13th November. The entry under 
that date reads : " About 20 more Indians come in & Drew Lowances ye 
Preast himself come in." The arrival of Monsieur Coquart, the mission- 
ary of the Acadians, a few days later, enabled Father Germain to return 
to his station at Aukpaque, a passport having been furnished him for 
that purpose by the commandant. 

The Governor and Council of Nova Scotia met at Halifax on the 30th 
November to consider the case of the Acadians at Fort Frederick. Their 
decision is recorded in the minutes of the Council : 

" The Council are of opinion and do advise that His Excellency do 
take the earliest opportunity of hiring vessels for having them immedi- 
ately transported to Halifax as prisoners of war, until they can be sent 
to England ; and that the two Priests be likewise removed out of the 

Vessels were accordingly sent from Halifax, and these hapless 
people, after a sojourn of twelve weeks at the fort, were put on 
board. Considering the importance of the event, Burrell's reference to 
their deportation in his diary is very meagre : 

" Sonday ye 27 [January] our Col went a Bord in order for Halifax 
with part of ye french men. Monday ve 28th ye women & children 
went a Bord this day. Tusday ye 29th they set sail." 

The vessels arrived at Halifax about the nth of February. Three 
months later the Acadians were still there waiting till Lawrence should 
send them to England. 


Colonel Arbuthnot was accompanied in his voyage to Halifax by two 
Indian chiefs of the Passamaqnoddy tribe, who desired to make a treaty 
with the Governor. A very interesting account of the negotiations that 
ensued will be found in Murdoch's History of Nova Scotia. The Indian 
delegates appeared before the Governor and Council with an interpreter, 
and, after full discussion, came to terms of agreement. The treaty was 
based on the old Indian treaties made in 1725 and 1749, with an addi- 
tional engagement on the part of the Indians not to give aid to the 
enemies of the English, and to confine their trade to the truck-house, 
which it was proposed to establish at Fort Frederick. It was agreed 
that the treaty should be prepared in French and English, that the chiefs 
should be sent back in a vessel to St. John, and that Colonel Arbuthnot 
should accompany them to Passamaquoddy, taking the treaty with him 
to be ratified. On the 23rd of February the treaty was signed by Michel 
Neptune for the Passamaquoddy tribe and by Ballomy Glode for the 
St. John River Indians. It was agreed by the Indians to leave three of 
each tribe resident at Fort Frederick as hostages to ensure adherence to 
the articles of peace. Benjamin Gerrish, who was now placed in charge 
of the truck-house at St. John, was probably nearly related to Captain 
Gerrish of the garrison. 

Lawrence and his council regarded this treaty as an important matter. 
Only four years before the dread inspired by the Indians was so great 
that the Nova Scotia authorities were led to offer a reward of £30 for 
ever}' Indian warrior brought in alive, £25 for the scalp of every male 
Indian above the age of sixteen, and £25 for every woman and child 
brought in alive, the rewards to be paid at any of His Majesty's forts 
by the commanding officer. 

Colonel Arbuthnot got back to Fort Frederick on the 12th of March. 
On the 17th he sailed in Capt. Cobb's sloop, with Captain Parker and 
the Indian chiefs, to Passamaquoddy to ratify the treaty, returning to 
Fort Frederick on the 20th. 

The Indians continued to come in from various quarters to accept 
the terms of the treaty, as we learn from Burrell's journal. The crown- 
ing event occurred on the 28th June, when " ye Grate King of ye Indians 
Came into ye Garrison for to make a Grate peace with ye English." 

By order-in-council of the 19th July, 1760, Captain Doggett was sent 
from Halifax with stores for the truck-master at Fort Frederick. 


Colonel Arbuthnot subsequently informed the Governor that the Indians 
behaved well and came to the fort to trade. 

After the surrender of Quebec the Massachusetts troops at the fort 
expected to be relieved, their period of enlistment being expired and the 
crisis of the war over. But the insecurity of Monckton at Quebec and 
of Amherst at Crown Point rendered it difficult to provide men for the 
relief of the Nova Scotia garrisons. The Massachusetts legislature in 
this emergency took the bold step of extending the period of enlistment 
of the troops furnished by their colony. They promised,, as an offset, 
to provide the men with beds and other comforts during the approaching 
winter. But the men were not to be persuaded. The situation became 
critical, and the Governor of Massachusetts wrote to Governor Lawrence : 

" I find our people, who are doing duty in your garrison, notwith- 
standing the favor and attention this province has shown them for con- 
tinuing their services through . the winter — have worked themselves up 
to such a temper of dissatisfaction that they have long ago threatened 
to come off, if not relieved." 

The threat was not meaningless, for the Governor adds that already 
" seventy men in one schooner and about eighty in another have openly 
come off from Fort Frederick at St. John's." 

Here, again, Burrell's diary furnishes us with dates: 

" Monday ye 5th [May] a number of Capt. Garashes men with some 
others Desarted on Bord of a Schouner. Tusday ye 13th, 30 of our 
Company went home in a Schouner to New England." 

The conduct of the men of Massachusetts was a source of mortifica- 
tion to Governor Hutchinson, who speaks of " the unwarrantable 
behaviour of the garrison at St. John's River, all of whom have deserted 
their post, except 40 men, or thereabout, and the continuance of those 
forty seems to be precarious." A few weeks later sixty men were sent 
from Boston to strengthen the garrison. Sergeant Burrell says they 
arrived on the 7th of July. 

The conduct of the garrison was not unnatural, although, from a 
military point of view, entirely inexcusable. The men had enlisted for 
a great and, as the event proved, decisive struggle with France for 
the mastery on the American continent. With the surrender of Louis- 
burg and Quebec the crisis was over. The period of their enlistment 
had expired; what right had the Massachusetts Assembly to prolong it? 


\\ hy should they stay ? Thus they reasoned. After the surrender and 
removal oi the Acadians and the submission of the savages, garrison 
duty at Fort Frederick became monotonous. The surrounding country 
was deserted. The few habitations that had once existed had been 
abandoned and destroyed when the French fled up the river. No Eng- 
lish settler had yet ventured to establish himself at St. John. Amid the 
privation and loneliness of their situation, the charms of their firesides in 
New England seemed peculiarly inviting to the men of Massachusetts. 
As time went on, the advantage of having a fortified post at 
the mouth of the River St. John became more and more apparent. 
Under its protection the vanguard of English settlement soon began to 
put in appearance. James Simonds, Richard Simonds and Francis 
Peabody came there in 1762, and two years later James Simonds, James 
White and their dependents established themselves in trade at Portland 
Point. The garrison was then commanded by Lieut. Gilfred Studholme,* 
of the 40th Regiment, in whose honor Guilford f Street, in Carleton, is 
named. It seems to have been Lieut. Studholme's unpleasant duty to 
order the Acadians remaining on the River St. John to remove. These 
people were living near the mouth of the Keswick stream, a few miles 
above St. Annes, and probably were settled on both sides of the main 

* Some information relating to Gilfred Studholme will be found in the Collections of the 
X. B. Hist. Soc, Xo. 5, p. 217 ; also in Raymond's History of the St. John River, p. 281, and 
elsewhere. The date of Studholme's death was lately discovered by the writer of this paper 
in the following obituary notice in the Royal Gaztte of October 30th. 1792 : 

" On the 10th inst. departed this life in the 52d year of his age, the Hon. Gilfred Stud- 
holme, Esq., one of his Majesty's Council for this Province, and formerly Captain Command- 
ant of his Majesty's Forces and Crown Agent for the settlement of the Loyal Refugees within 
the district of the River St. John. Two days before his death he received a paralytick stroke 
which deprived him of his senses, in which state he continued till he died. The amiable 
manners, universal benevolence and liberal spirit which strongly marked the character of 
this Gentleman most justly endeared him to all who had the pleasure of his acquaintance. 
During his command at Fort Howe, his hospitality and generous attention to all strangers, 
as well those whom his Majesty's service brought within his notice as those whom the war 
had disturbed and driven hither for refuge, would have done honor to a much more dignified 
station, and drew forth the particular notice and acknowledgments of the General Officers 
commanding in Canada and Nova Scotia. In his capacity as Crown Agent for the settlement 
of the Loyal Refugees within the District of the River St. John, his exertions were un- 

f This is properly Gilfred Street, and is so marked in the original plan of Carleton. In 
the City of St. John the street now called Charlotte Street was originally Studholme Street. 
The name ought never to have been changed. 


river. It is marvellous with what tenacity they clung to this locality — 
in fact their descendants are there yet.* 

In consequence of the receipt of Studholme's order to remove else- 
where, the AcadianSj in the summer of 1763, made the following appeal 
to the Governor of Nova Scotia: 

Sir, — We have received, with respect, the order which His Honor 
the commandant of Fort Fredrek has conveyed to us from you to 
evacuate the St. John River, and we should have done sol at once had we 
not hoped that in pity for our past miseries, you would kindly spare us 
fresh ones. The truth is, Sir, that we were beginning to emerge from 
the unspeakably wretched condition to which war had brought us. The 
prospects of an abundant harvest promises us provisions for next year. 
If you insist on our leaving before harvest, most of us — being without 
money, supplies or means of conveyance, will be driven to live like the 
Indians, wandering from one situation to another. But if you allow us 
to stay the winter, in order to dry our crops, we shall be able to till the 
new lands wherever you may tell us to move to. There is no need to 
point out to you that a farmer who takes up new land without having 
supplies for a year, must inevitably be ruined, and be of no use to the 
Government to which he belongs. We hope, Sir, that you will be good 
enough to grant us a priest of our faith. Such a concession would 
enable us to endure patiently the troubles inseparable from such a migra- 
tion. We await your final orders in regard to this matter, and have the 
honour to be, with all possible respect and submission, Sir, 
" Your very humble & obedient servants, 

" The Inhabitants of St. Johns River/' 

Many interesting incidents connected with the early history of St. 
John centre around the old fort in Carleton. It was there in the old 
barracks that Hugh Quinton and his wife Elizabeth found shelter upon 
their arrival at St. John on the 28th of August, 1762, and there on the 
night which followed their arrival their first child, James Quinton, was 
born. He was the first child of English-speaking parents born at St. 

The fort continued to be garrisoned by detachments of British troops 
under various commanders until the year 1768, when the troops were 
withdrawn and sent to Boston in consequence of disturbances there. 

* About thirty families of Acadian origin live at French Village, in the Parish of Kings- 
clear, and seventeen families at the Mazerolle Settlement, in the same neighborhood. The 
family names represented are Godin, Mazerolle, Roy, Bourgoin, Martin and Cyr. Few of these 
people now use the French language. 


rhe defenceless condition of the port of St. John did not escape the 
notice oi the Nova Scotia authorities. Lieut. -Governor Michael) Franck- 
lin. in a letter to Lord Hillsborough, states that on the 9th July, 1768, he 
received a letter from General Gage, acquainting him that orders had 
been sent to Lieut. -Colonel Dalrymple, who commanded the troops in 
Nova Scotia, to withdraw the garrisons from Fort Cumberland, Anna- 
polis. Fort Frederick Amherst and Louisbourg. The Lieut.- Governor 
adds : 

' These ports, when abandoned, I purpose to put under the care of 
the most proper persons, being civil officers of this Government. They 
may serve for places of safety for the settlers to retreat to in case of a 
rupture with the Indians, and the buildings of several of them will also 
serve many publick purposes, such as Court Houses, Churches, Prisons, 
&c, which have not hitherto been built owing to the inability of the 
Inhabitants. * * * I should be wanting in my duty toi the King and 
to the true interest of this province if I failed in representing to His 
Majesty that the hazard of a rupture with the savages will really be great, 
once they perceive the troops are withdrawn from the Out Posts without 
a probability of their being replaced, and that this Government conceives 
it highly necessary that as soon as His Majesty's other immediate service 
permits detachments of the King's troops be posted on the River St. John, 
at Fort Cumberland on the isthmus of the Province, at Tatamagushe, at 
Fort Amherst, on the Island of St. John and at Louisbourg, which detach- 
ments will be required to remain there for some years to come." 

What Col. Francklin chiefly dreaded was the hostility of the Indians. 
Their predilection for the French and their natural restlessness were such 
that in case of a renewal of war they might do infinite harm to the scat- 
tered English settlements. His comments on this head are as follows : 

" I have exerted myself to make use of every measure to give perfect 
satisfaction to the Indians by removing the subject of every complaint, 
and I shall continue so to do. I have also taken great pains to 
convince the Acadians of the errors they have heretofore been in by hav- 
ing such strong attachments to the interest of France. In this I have 
been successful beyond my expectations, as they have (very few excepted) 
universally taken the oaths of allegiance to the King. The Indians I 
have endeavored to persuade to cultivate the lands and to enter into the 
business of catching and drying codfish, that they might not be so fre- 
quently distressed for subsistence as they have been of late years.* * * * 
Almost all the Indians are interspersed among the settlers and are 


frequently in great want of subsistence, which they will in cases of neces- 
sity naturally take by violence or stealth if they cannot obtain provisions 
otherwise, and they have nothing but their Peltries to pay for what they 


At this time the two principal chiefs of the St. John river, Pierre 
Thomas and Ambroise St. Aubin, proceeded to Halifax and entered into 
agreement with the Lieut. -Governor that all misunderstandings, disputes 
and quarrels should be forgot and peace and kindness established between 
the Indians and the English settlers. If war should again arise with 
France, the Indians promised to remain neutral. Their priest, Mon. 
Bailly, who had lately arrived, was to remain with them, and they were 
promised four acres of land at St. Anne's (including their old burial 
ground and the site on which their chapel formerly stood) near the old 
Government House building in Fredericton, also the Island now known 
as Savage Island, with four acres for a church and 500 acres of wood- 
land near O'Paques [Aukpaque.] 

There is an interesting reference to the withdrawal of the troops from 
Fort Frederick in one of James Simonds letters to his partners in New- 
bury, written under date July 25, 1768: 

" The Troops are withdrawn from all the outposts in the Province and 
sent to Boston to quell the Mob. The charge of Fort Frederick is com- 
mitted to me, which I accepted to prevent another person being appointed 
who would be a trader. I don't know but I must reside in the Garrison, 
but the privileges of the fisheries on that side of the River and the use 
of the King's boats will be more than an equivalent for that incon- 

The withdrawal of the garrison was soon followed by the evil conse- 
quences which Colonel Francklin had apprehended. 

In August, 1769, Captain Godfrey Jadis, of the 52nd Regiment, came 
with his family to Fort Frederick with the intention of establishing him- 
self in trade. His subsequent experience is related in his memorial to 
the Lords of Trade, from which the following extract is quoted: 

" Your Memorialist on his arrival at Fort Frederick was frequently 
treatened by the Indians to be distroyed and the fort burnt if he did not 
imeadatly quit it, which in order to preserve, your memorialist with His 
wife and six small children, surounded with almost unsurmountable 
difficultys, was obliged to quit the fort and proceed to Gage Township 
where He used his best and unwearied labours to bring the Savages into 


a proper obedience to his Majesty and establish a trade the Revenues of 
which would yield yearly a considerable advantage to Government. 

" During your memoralist's residence at Gage Township the Indians 
frequently treatened to scalp him and his family and to burn his House, 
Warehouses, &c, frequently declaring that they were at Warr with us & 
would continue so till they had Rooted out the british Settlements in 
that part." 

Captain Jadis goes on to say that on the 6th of February, 1771, the 
savages put their long-concerted plan into execution by fixing combus- 
tibles and setting fire to his house, store and other buildings, which were 
entirely consumed. He placed his losses at the sum of £2128.13.10 

Lord Win. Campbell, the Governor of Nova Scotia at this time, con- 
firms the account of Capt. Jadis' misfortunes, and adds : 

" I have had frequent complaints of those Indians since Fort Fred- 
erick has been dismantled and the garrison, which formerly consisted of 
an officer's command, reduced to that of a corporal and four. This 
Fort whilst properly garrisoned kept the Indians of that district in pretty 
good order, but not so effectually by situation as if it had been constructed 
higher up the River, and as that Fort is now intirely dismantled I beg 
leave to offer to your Lordship's consideration whether a strong Block 
House properly garrisoned might not prove a proper check upon the 
insolence of the savages at the same time that it would afford a secure 
protection to a very increasing settlement on the Banks of the River St. 
Johns, a situation abounding with most excellent soil and which produces 
the most valuable Timber, of all sorts in this Province." 

Among the officers stationed from time to time at Fort Frederick, 
who left behind them tangible proof of their sojourn, mention may be 
made of Lieutenant John Marr. We are indebted to him for the most 
striking object on the walls of the map-room of the Archives Building 
in Ottawa, namely, a very handsome plan in colors — 6 feet long and 3 
feet wide, entitled — 

"A Sketch of part of the River St. John on the North Side of the 
" Bay of Fundy — from Partridge Island in the Latitude 45 ° 22 North, 
" to Opaak an Indian Village : the length contained in this Sketch is near 
"80 English miles. Taken in November, 1764, by John Marr, Sub 
" Engineer & Lieutenant." 

In the corner of this map there is a plan on a larger scale, entitled — 

" A Survey of the Harbour of St. John and of the Environs of Fort 
" Frederick on the North Side of the Bay of Fundy, Taken in September, 
" 1764, by John Marr, Sub Engineer & Lieutenant." 


In this plan the site of Fort Dufferin is marked " Partridge Point." 
Sand Point is called Point mix Galcttes (point of pebbles). The Marsh 
Creek is called River Shebeskestaggan. Three settlers' houses are shown 
at Portland Point. From South Bay there is a dotted channel marked 
leading through to Duck Cove, and the note is appended, " the pricked 
lines represent the New Channel for the River as projected by the 
French." The idea of the French was doubtless to reclaim the marshes 
and low meadow lands up the St. John River by affording a more free 
outlet to the waters. Surveyor-General Charles Morris discusses this 
proposition in his report to Col. Francklin in 1766: 

" I would observe that it would be beneficial if a passage for the 
waters of the river could be widened, which seems impracticable in the 
Passage at the Falls, the sides being Rocks of a hundred feet high 
Perpendicular; But the French were upon a Project of! cutting a channel 
through somewhere near the south end of the Bason called South Bay, 
which is oi no great distance from the Bay of Fundy : had this or could 
it be effected it would recover a vast quantity of Land now overflowed 
for the greatest part of the year. When the Country begins to be filled 
with Inhabitants this project may perhaps be executed."* 

The withdrawal of the garrisons from the outposts in Nova Scotia 
to strengthen the army under General Gage in Boston was followed by 
the removal of trie ordnance and munitions of war, for Lord Wm. Camp- 
bell, in his letter of October, 1771, already quoted, says that the fort had 
been entirely dismantled. Settlement in the vicinity of the fort had 
already begun. The land on the west side of the harbor formed a part 
of the Township of Conway. Messrs. Simonds and White, about the 
year 1770, were instrumental in placing a number of families there. A 
census made by James Simonds in August, 1775, gives the names of the 
settlers — Hugh Quinton, Jonathan Leavitt, Daniel Leavitt, Samuel 
Peabody, William McKeen, Thomas Jenkins, Moses Kimball, Elijah 
Estabrooks, John Bradley, James Woodman, Zebedee Ring, Gervas Say, 
Samuel Abbot, Christopher Cross, John Knapp, Eliakim Ayer and Joseph 
Rowe. There were in all 21 men, 13 women, 20 boys and 18 girls, total 
J2 souls. Small as the little community was, it was destined to be broken 
up by the events of the Revolutionary War. The unfortunate settlers 

* See Raymond's St. John River History, p. 111. 


were robbed and maltreated by the crews of the " rebel privateers," 
and forced to abandon their homes and remove up the river for greater 


It is a curious circumstance that the construction and destruction of 
Fori Frederick emanated from the same quarter, namely, Massachusetts. 
It was the Governor of Massachusetts who, in the first instance, insisted 
on the necessity of taking possession of the River St. John and building 
a strong fort to overawe the French and Indians. Monckton's soldiers, 
who built the fort and formed its first garrison, were mostly New Eng- 

Early in the summer of 1775 it was rumored in Nova Scotia that 
Stephen Smith, one of the delegates to the newly-formed Congress ol 
Massachusetts, had orders to seize Fort Frederick, and the Governor of 
the province advised the re-establishment of a garrison to prevent such 
an attempt. But the military people were too dilatory. In the month of 
August a party of Machias marauders, led by Smith, entered the harbor 
with an armed sloop and captured a brig* of 120 tons laden with oxen, 
sheep, swine, poultry and a variety of supplies for the British troops that 
had been brought down the river from Maugerville in gondolas and small 
vessels. The same night they made the small party in the fort prison- 
ers, plundered everything in it, and set fire to the barracks and other 
buildings. This was the first hostile act of the Revolution committed 
in Xova Scotia, and it made no small stir iri political and military circles. 
The news of the destruction of Fort Frederick seems to have been made 
known at Halifax by James Simonds and Daniel Leavitt, who went to 
Windsor in a whale boat to solicit the protection of government. How- 
ever, it was not until two years later that Brigade Major Studholme was 
sent to take post at St. John with a force sufficient to defend the place 
from the privateers and marauders that infested the Bay. Major Stud- 
holme, after consultation with Messrs. Simonds, Hazen and White, 
decided upon the erection of Fort Howe rather than the re-establishment 
of Fort Frederick. The earthworks of the latter, however, remained in 

* This brig was the " Loyal Briton." She was owned by David Black and four others 
of Boston. She was fitted out to bring provisions for the armv from the River St. John. 
She sailed from Boston a little after the battle of Bunker's Hill. She was the first vessel, 
so far as known, taken by the American privateers in the war. Mr. Black valued his share 
of the brig at £300. See Report of the Bureau of Archives for Ontario for 1904, pp. 660, 



a good state of preservation when the Loyalists landed in 1783. Their 
outline appears in the plan made by Colonel Robert Morse, of the Royal 
Engineers, early in the year 1784, which is reproduced, in part, in the 
accompanying illustration. The old fort site continued to be for many 


From Col. Robert Morse's Suryey in 1784. 

years the property of the Imperial Government. During the war of 
1812, when the Martello Tower was built and the defences of St. John 
strengthened on both sides of the harbor, a small wooden building was 
erected on the site of Fort Frederick, sufficient to accommodate one 
officer and twenty men, and a few guns were placed in position. A report 



made of the state of the fortifications at St. John in 1825 has appended 
to Fori Frederick the words " battery in ruins." The Imperial Govern- 
ment at length handed the property over to the city. In the meantime a 
number of people had " squatted " upon the land and built houses, in 
which they had lived so many years that they claimed the land by right 
oi possession.* The result was a suit in the Court of Chancery about the 
year 1S47, in which the claimants were beaten by the city. They united 
in an appeal to the Imperial Government, and eventually the city agreed 
to a compromise, and upon payment of a stated sum the occupants re- 
mained in possession. They received a title to their lands directly from 
the Imperial Government, a rather unusual circumstance. f 

Little remains to-day to indicate that so much history has centred 
about this quiet spot. Yet here in the early days of Acadia La Tour and 
Charnisay were familiar figures. Here, later, Governor Vilebon for a 
time held sway as lord of all Acadia. Here, from time to time, came 
Nicolas Denys, the Sieur de Martignon, the Chevalier Grand-fontaine, 
the Sieur de Soulanges, and other worthies of the French regime. Over 
the ashes of La Tour and Villebon, in the old burial ground at the foot 
of King Street, there pass to-day the feet of those whom they would have 
regarded as the sons of an alien race. 

It was under the protection of Fort Frederick that the settlement of 
the valley of the St. John began in the year 1762, and from the day 
that General Robert Monckton landed, English-speaking people have 
constantly resided upon the shores of the harbor of St. John. 

The history of Fort Frederick, as told in these pages, is largely 

* The beginning of trouble for the squatters is seen in the following advertisement in 
the St. John Courier : 

" Fort Neck, Carleton, S't. John, N. B. 

• NOTICE. On Saturday the 18th day, of June next [1836] will be offered for Lease, in 
the Market Square of St. John, for the term of Twenty-one years from the first day of May, 
last, the ' Crown Property' in Carleton, in the City of St. John, called 'Fort Neck.' 

" This property will be offered entire, without reference to the persons, who may be at 
present in the occupation of any part thereof. 

"For terms and conditions, apply at the Ordnance Office any day (Sunday excepted) be- 
tween the hours of 10 and 4 o'clock. 

" Office of Ordnance. St. John, N. B.. 
" June 4, 1836." 

r My authority on this head is Samuel K. Wilson, who lives at " Old Fort," in Carleton. 
I am indebted to Mr. Wilson for a good many facts of interest in this paper.. — W. O. R. 


documentary. Quotations have been made from public records, official 
reports, private correspondence and contemporary published accounts. 
Doubtless a story told in this way is less entertaining than one written 
in narrative form, but it must be recollected that in all publications of 
the New Brunswick Historical Society accuracy of detail is more essential 
than literary form. 

As an illustration of the unreliability of tradition, and the ease with 
which two events of similar character may be confused in the mind of 
one who has not the slightest intention to mislead, we have the follow- 
ing : An old citizen many years ago gave the late Dr. I. Allen Jack an 
account of the capture of the old French Fort in Carleton, which he 
claimed to have had from his grandfather. According to this story the 
British troops under Monckton landed at Negro Town Point, and cut a 
road through the woods to the place where the Carleton City Hall now 
stands, which was then used by the French as a vegetable garden. From 
there they advanced against the fort in order of battle, and, after one 
repulse, succeeded in carrying it by assault. They captured 200 or 300 
prisoners, and the rest of the garrison escaped across the river in boats, 
and finally made their way up the river. The loss of both French and 
English was heavy, especially of the former, more than forty being killed. 
This account is at variance with the facts recorded by Monckton himself 
in his journal. The story, I have not the least doubt, is based upon an 
incident that happened nearly twenty years after Monckton's arrival at 
the St. John River. John Allan, who figures in it, formerly lived near 
Fort Cumberland, and at one time was a member of the Nova Scotia 
House of Assembly. At the outbreak of the Revolution he went to 
Machias and cast in his lot with the American "rebels." While there he 
planned an expedition to the River St. John with the idea of holding the 
territory of all western New Brunswick for the United States. On May 
20th, 1777, he sent a party of militia from Machias to St. John under the 
command of Captain Jabez West, with instructions to " annoy the enemy 
as much as possible till such time as reinforcements should arrive from 
the westward." On the 31st May, Allan himself set out for St. John 
with a party, which included " Parson " Noble and Dr. Nevers, who had 
been obliged to leave Maugerville on account of their disloyalty. Allan 
states in his Journal that they arrived at the old fort at the mouth of the 
river at 3 p. m. on Monday, the 2nd of June — went over the falls in their 


whale boats and landed everything in a store at Woodman's Point.* 
Captain West seized William Hazen and James White and brought them 
as prisoners to the old fort. Colonel Allan decided to leave them on 
parole with their families at Portland Point till he had a stronger force 
at his command, or until the determination of the authorities of Massa- 
chusetts should be known. The next day he proceeded up the river, 
leaving Capt West, Lieut. Scott and a detachment " to guard the falls 
and annoy the enemy should any come to repair the fort." The detach- 
ment at the mouth of the river was increased to sixty men by the arrival 
oi a reinforcement from Machias under Colonel Shaw. Instructions 
were given to them to " range from Hazen's round to the Old Fort" in 
order to guard against any landing on the part of the British. The 
situation of the settlers during their stay was a very unpleasant one. 

( )n being apprised of the state of things at St. John, the British 
authorities sent the war sloop " Vulture " there. She came up the 
harbor and anchored " within cannon shot " of Mr. Simond's house at 
Portland Point, where Allan's party lay in waiting. Forty men from the 
sloop attempted to land, but upon being fired on, returned on board. 
Nothing further seems to have been attempted until the arrival of the 
ship " Mermaid " and sloop " Hope " a few days later. Captain West 
learned on June 30th that the British were landing near " Mehoganish "f 
in eight barges. He posted thirty men in ambush " in the woods that 
conducts to the falls." They discovered the British troops when at the 
distance of gunshot, and were preparing to attack them when they sud- 
denly found themselves surrounded by a flanking party on both sides of 
them. They were obliged to fly with the loss of a number killed or taken 
prisoners. Tradition says that on this occasion Messrs. John Jones and 
Samuel Peabody offered their services to Major Studholme as guides, 
and furnished information as to the whereabouts of the enemy. Stud- 

* The location of Woodman's Point is established bv an old deed of conveyance, dated 
July 28, 1783, in which James Woodman sold his property to Phineas Lovett for £60. The 
property is described as: " One certain Lot or Tract of Land sittuate, Lying & being in the 
Township of Conway In the County of Sunbury, Known by the name of Point Pleasant, with 
three Dwelling Houses and one Store house thereon standing, said land containing 170 acres 
by estimation and is bounded as followeth : that is to say beginning at a marked Seader Trea 
leaning over the water, standing on the Bank by the side of the West Bay adjoining the falls 
and from thence running West 47 rods, then running Northerly & Westerly t-> a marked 
Seader standing by the water of Misketo Cove and from thence running Easterly & Southerly 
by Saint Johns River untill it Cum to the Seader Tree first mentioned." 

t Manawagonish or Duck Cove. 


holme was thus able to send out his flanking parties, who fired upon the 
enemy, killing eight of them, who were buried near the spot where they 
fell ; the rest fled up the river in terror and suffered almost intolerable 
hardships on their way through the wilderness back to Machias. Major 
Studholme in this encounter acted with all the spirit and resolution 
for which he was noted. He was on familiar ground, having pre- 
viously been in command of the garrison of Fort Frederick. A few 
months later Fort Howe was constructed by his direction, and under its 
protection the people on the St. John remained in comparative security 
until the close of the war. 






Edited by W. F. Ganong. 

(Continued from Page 54 of Vol. III). 

The scope of this series of documents is indicated by the titles of 
those already published. They are (i) Monckton's Report of his 
Expedition against the French on the St. John in 1758: (2) John 
Mitchel's Diary and Field Book of his survey of Passamaquoddy in 
1764: (3) Gamaliel Smethurst's Narrative of his Journey from Nepisi- 
guit to Fort Cumberland in 1761 : (4) Richard Denys, Sieur de Fronsac, 
and his Settlements in Northern New Brunswick. A fifth is presented 
herewith, and others, of similar character, are in contemplation. 

5. The Journals and Maps of the Survey of the Magaguadavic 

in 1797. 
The Treaty of Peace which closed the American Revolution establish- 
ed the Saint Croix River as a part of the boundary between the new 
United States of America and the British Provinces. But this river, of 
good standing in the documents and maps, was not known with certainty 
in the local geography, where all of the streams were commonly called 
by their Indian names. The subsequent efforts to match documents with 
topography gradually evolved two opposing claims, that of the British 
that the Saint Croix of the Treaty was the Scoodic (the river we now 
call Saint Croix), and that of the Americans that the Saint Croix was 
the Magaguadavic. In 1794 a joint Commission was appointed by the 
two Governments to settle the question, and in 1796 this Commission, 
which was composed of Messrs. Barclay, Howell and Benson, with 


James Sullivan as the American, and Ward Chipman as the British, 
agent, met at Saint Andrews. The history of the entire controversy 
leading to their appointment, their proceedings and their findings, which 
established the present River Saint Croix as that meant by the treaty, are 
all given in full in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 
Volume VII, 1901, section ii, pages 244-278. One of the first acts of 
the Commission was to order an accurate survey to be made of both 
rivers, and this was carried out by competent surveyors acting under 
directions of the two Agents. The surveys were commenced in the 
Autumn of 1796 but not finished until 1798, and they resulted in very 
detailed and accurate maps of those rivers, maps which became, and 
remain to this day, the foundation for all later representations of their 
respective waters. Copies of the original Journals and Field Books of 
those Surveys have been in part, perhaps wholly, preserved. Copies of 
those of the Survey of the Scoodic are in the Library of the Department 
of State at Washington, where I have examined them, and some are in 
possession of Dr. W. O. Raymond ; but they are of very minor interest. 
On the other hand the Journals of the Survey of the greater part of the 
Magaguadavic, copies of which are in possession of Dr. Raymond, 
are of very great interest, and it is these which form the theme of the 
present paper. 

The Survey of the Magaguadavic was commenced in October by 
Isaac Hedden, a skilled surveyor in the employ of the Crown Land Office 
of New Brunswick, and John Peters, Jr., a resident of Blue Hill, (be- 
tween the Penobscot and Mount Desert), Maine, acting jointly on behalf 
of the British and American Governments respectively. Owing to the 
lateness of the season they only succeeded in surveying up to, and includ- 
ing, Lake Utopia. Of the records of this survey only Peters' very brief 
Journal, the essence of which is given below, as Part I, is known to me, 
though its results are shown upon Campbell's general map later men- 
tioned. The next year, 1797, Hedden was unable, because of the state 
of his health, to continue the work, and Dugald Campbell, a New 
Brunswick surveyor, was appointed in his place. The choice was a 
fortunate one, for Campbell was a man of uncommon ability, as well as 
especially skilled in his profession. Much of the best of the surveying 
done in early days in New Brunswick is his work, as is well brought out 
in Mr. Jonas Howe's biographical sketch of him in the New Brunswick 


Magazine, Volume II, 1899, 233. Peters and Campbell together com- 
pleted in that year the survey of the remainder of the river to its extreme 
headwaters, with the exception of the Peskaheegan, which' was surveyed 
by an American surveyor, Samuel Titcomb. The copies of Campbell's 
and Peters' Journals which I have used are very clearly written, the 
former's especially, in little blank books. Since, however, the two 
Journals, in very large part, duplicate one another's information, (though 
bv no means one another's diction), it did not seem wise to reprint them 
both in full. Since Campbell's, however, though not the most volumin- 
ous, is markedly the superior of the two in a literary way, I have chosen 
to give that completely, word for word, without omission or alteration, 
and to interpolate within brackets, with an appended letter P for fuller 
identification, everything from Peters' Journal which seemed to add to, 
or explain, or emphasise matters of importance in Campbell's Journal. 
These Journals, thus treated, form Part II of this paper. In general 
Peters' descriptions of topography and details of the surveying are fuller 
than Campbell's, but usually his longer descriptions add so little addi- 
tional information that I have not thought it worth while to repeat them, 
though I have tried to include every fact of, any consequence omitted by 
Campbell. The two Journals agree in their general plan, and often are 
so alike in phraseology, and especially in the spelling of place-names, 
as to show that the two surveyors must have consulted much together 
over their records, and must even have agreed upon their modes of 
expressing important matters. This fact unites with other incidental 
evidence, and especially with the positive statements at the ends of both 
journals, to show that the survey was conducted with the greatest 
harmony between the two chief surveyors, a matter which was greatly 
to their credit when we remember their difference in nationality, the near- 
ness of that standing invitation to bitter discussion, the revolution, and 
the temper-trying conditions under which the survey was carried on. 
The maps in Campbell's Field Book are upon a large scale, viz., 20 chains 
to the inch, or 4 inches to the mile, and they are beautifully drawn. In 
order to reproduce these maps in this paper, I have matched them 
together and redrawn them, so that they could be reduced to the standard 
scale of a mile to the inch. The topography is all given as in the original, 
except that the lines are necessarily relatively heavier, but I have had, to 
re-print, and not trace, the names, which in original size would be too 


small to show in the reduction.* In two or three cases small pieces of 
the maps are wanting in the Field Book, and these I have supplied by 
dotting from the general map, mentioned below. Needless, perhaps, to 
say, the map thus completed forms a- far more accurate map of this river 
than any other now existent. Campbell himself later made a complete 
map of the river from his own surveys, on the scale of three-fourths of 
a mile to the inch. The only copy of this map known to me is in the Library 
of the Massachusetts Historical Society, to which it came, no doubt, with 
some of the papers of Benson, the American Commissioner ; and I have 
occasionally referred to this map in the following pages as Campbell's 
general map. And it may here be added that the results of all the 
surveys were in 1798 compiled by George Sproule, Surveyor General of 
New Brunswick, into one general map for the use of the Commissioners. 
This map was extensively copied later, and became the original for all 
the subsequent maps of those rivers. It was published entire for the 
first time in Moore's International Arbitrations of the United States, 
Vol. I, 1898; and a reduced copy is contained in the Transactions Of the 
Royal Society of Canada, VII, 1901, ii, 254. 

The Journals will no doubt explain their own interest, but I may 
here call attention to the fact that this is fivefold. First, they offer a 
narrative of exploration which will always interest those vigorous New 
Brunswickers who are fond of outdoor wild life in conjunction with the 
history of their native land ; and the number of such will increase with 
time. Second, they offer many welcome little bits of local information, 
historical and other. Third, through them are preserved the Indian 
names of the branches of this river, apparently with an accuracy and 
certainly with a completeness, which no other of the minor rivers of the 
Province can rival, and their final interpretation offers an attractive 
problem for a future philologist, who will study them, as he must, upon 
the spot.t Fourth, they fix the precise sites of several of the older Indian 

* As a matter of fact, I did trace the names before re-printing them larger, and I find 
that in the engraving some of these original names do show in the cuts, though faintly, 
on some of the maps, notably that of the largest lake, a few words are duplicated in 
large and small script. 

4 They are, of course, in the Passamaquoddy tongue. They lingered upon printed maps 
and to some extent in land plans for a half a century, but have all vanished from local use. 


routes of travel which would otherwise have been lost to us. And, fifth, 
the Field Book provides us with a map of the river and lakes, now for 
the first time lriade generally accessible, far surpassing in accuracy any 
of the degenerate copies at present in existence. 

Although practically made dc novo, this survey, of. the Magaguadavic 
was not the first of that river. The lower part, with Lake Utopia, had 
been surveyed, though crudely, by John Mitchel in 1764, as recorded in 
his Field Book, published as the second of these documents (these Col- 
lections, Vol. II, page 175). But in 1785 or 1786 a somewhat accurate 
survey was made of the entire river up to the Second Forks (viz. to the 
Northeast Branch or River Pequesegehawk), for it is accurately laid 
down thus far upon Sproule's fine map of Southwestern New Brunswick 
which has been published in the Transactions of the Royal Society of 
Canada. VII. 1901, ii, 412. There is some further mention of this survey 
in the same Transactions, XII, 1906, ii, 67, while at page 60 of the same 
work there is given a striking and remarkably accurate sketch map of 
the river made in 1699 by the missionary De Rozier. 

Finally, before presenting the Journals, I wish to make it plain that 
I owe the valued opportunity to edit them to the generosity of Dr. 
\Y. O. Raymond. It is not only that they are his property and he has 
more than once risked them in transit to me, but he long had the 
design to edit them himself, and had actually prepared for this purpose 
a complete copy of both Journals which he has given me for the present 
use. My desire to edit them came from two causes, first an insatiable 
absorptivity for anything and everything concerning the historical 
geography of New Brunswick, and second from the fact that I have 
myself been over, in my own canoe, and for purposes of scientific and 
historical study, the entire river from the head of the upper lake to 
its mouth, and I have visited several of the branches. I therefore could 
not forbear to press my superior preparation for the task upon my 
honored fellow-craftsman, with a result which is obvious. How generous 
is the spirit which can yield such a task to another can only be known by 
those who have experienced the fascination of this type of investigation. 

Jfap cj the 

Jiaaajjuadavic River 

to serve as a key 

to the Campell maps 
of /7?7 

Scale 8 miles 
to / inch 



Abstract of Peters' Journal of the Peters-Hedden survey 
of the lower Magaguadavic and Lake Utopia in 1796. 

Journal of the Survey of the River Magagaudavic. 

Blue Hill 14th Sept. 1796. 
by a request of the Honble James Sullivan, Esqr, Agent to the United 
States of America — myself and two men intended seting out on the 
survey of the Scudic or Magagaudavic River 

Thursday 15th Sept. this morning, proceeded on our Journey, arived 
at St. Andrews, Tuesday 20th at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, the British 
surveyor that was intended for the survey of the Magagaudavic River 
has not arived, waited at St. Andrews untill the 27th, then Employed in 
surveying the St. Croix Island, so called by the Honble James Sullivan 
Esqr* untill the last day of this month, this day Isaac Hedden Esqr 
arrived at Magagaudavic River, the Surveyor intended for the survey 
of that River. 

Saturday Oct. 1st 1796. Begin our survey of the Magagaudavic 
River at a pt. mentioned in our Instructions, - )* in company with Mr. 
Hedden, and mark two Birch Trees 1796 and run 187 Rods this day. 

Sunday 2 Oct. Employed the morning in storing provisions at the 
Falls and pitching the Tent 

Sunday 9th Oct placed a pile of stones at the place of be- 
ginning on the south side of the mouth of the River 

Wednesday 12th. Surveyed Jonathan Wallace's J Mill Brook one 
mile and measured the hight of the Falls into the Bason at high water, 

* This was a small island, apparently that now called Hog Island, at the mouth of the 
Digdeguash River. An interesting document on this matter is in Trans. Royal Soc. Canada, 
VII, 1901, ii, 252. Peters' map of the Island is not known to me. 

•j- These Instructions are extant, in Dr. Raymond's possession. They are long and hardly 
seem of sufficient importance for printing here, especially as their provisions are exactly 
incorporated in the facts of the survey. (Compare Transactions cited. 275). 

JThe place of beginning here mentioned was on the north side of the entrance to the 
Magaguadavic, as clearly shown, with other details of this season's survey, on Campbell's 
general map earlier mentioned. 

tSpelled Wallis on Campbell's general map ; but Wallace is correct. Jonathan Wallace 
was a Loyalist of whom there is mention in Vroom's History of Charlotte County, in the 
St. Croix Courier, No. CXXIV. The brook empties into the Basin from the south. 


which we found to be forty two feet, running through a narrow Channel 
and very high Rocks on each side of the Falls. 

On Tuesday 18th they surveyed along "the canal to Lake Utopia;" 
— on the 2 ist they surveyed the Etang Portage, "178 Rods ; " on Sunday 
30th they completed Utopia Lake, and then surveyed " round Birch Isl. 
up Trout Brook and on the pond." 

Thursday 3d November. This day Snow. 

Friday 4th November. The snow remaining on the small Bushes, 
could not continue^our survey, conclude to return home and arrived at 
the mouth of the River this day. 

Saturday 5th. Arived at St. Andrews this day. 

Saturday 12th. To Blue Hill this day. 


The Campbell Journal, with additions in brackets from 
Peters' Journal, of the Campbell-Peters survey of the Maga- 
guadavic above Lake Utopia, in 1797. 


In consequence of a Letter from Ward Chipman Esquire His Majesty's 
Agent for ascertaining the Line between the British Provinces and the 
L nited States of America, I proceeded to Fredericton on Friday the 19th 
of May, 1797, for the purpose of Surveying the River Magagawdavic.* 
After having received Mr. Chipman's Instructions for this purpose I set 
off from Fredericton next day about 2 o'clock with three chain men 
and arrived at St. John on Monday the 22d after a very disagreable 
passage in an open boat, having had a head wind and Rain almost all 
the way. 

On our arrival at St. John finding no vessel likely to go soon to St. 
Andrews, I chartered a small schooner and embarked about 12 o'ck 
on the 23d for that place with a fair wind. We anchored that night 
within Bliss Island near Passamaquody and next morng at 9 o'clock 

* This is the spelling invariably used by Campbell, while Peters as constantly uses 
Magagauda/oic, a difference of u and w only. Since both forms are different from those used 
in the Instructions, of the Agents, viz., Macjadadawick, it seems clear that Peters and Camp- 
bell, or more probably Peters and Hedden the previous year, agreed upon the form of the 
word they would use, taking it probably direct from their Indians. Yet curiously enough 
all of our modern maps spell the word Magaguadavic, thus reversing two of the letters of 
Peters' form. I have been able to trace this spelling back to the map (earlier mentioned) 


arrived at St. Andrews. At this Place I met Mr. Peters, the Surveyor 
on the part of the United States and having agreed with him upon the 
articles necessary to be furnished with, in order to begin the survey with- 
out delay, we delivered a list of them to Mr. Campbell* Merchant there, 
who supplied us with such as could then be got and promised; to procure 
the remainder and send them after us without delay. . 

[Blue Hill 1 2th May, 1797. This day set out with four men in. order 
to compleat the survey of the Magagaudavic River 

Tuesday 16th [May] arived at St. Andrews point at 12 o'clock this 
day and found Colo Millage, Doct. Chaloner and their parties in order 
to compleat the survey of the Scudic River. Isaac Hedden Esqr the 
Artist apointed to join me in the survey of the Magaguadavic River 
is not arived. Employed myself in protracting my survey of the last 
season untill the 24th of this month. This morning Capt. Campbell 
arived at this place in stead of Mr. Hedden as he was unable to under- 
take the Business on acount of his health, therefore Capt. Campbell was 
apointed by the Agent of his Britannic Majesty to join me in the con- 
tinuation of the Survey of the Magagaudavic River. P.] 

[Friday, 26th May] We then embarked in, a schooner procured by 
him and arrived at the entrance of the River Magagawdavic about 2 
o'clock the 26th but on account of the tide of ebb we could not procure 

made for the Commissioners by George Sproule, Surveyor General of New Brunswick. And 
the origin of Sproule's form is fairly clear, for on his fine map of 1786, made over ten years 
earlier, he had spelled the word Magnaguadavic, which no doubt was that used by the sur- 
veyor of the river in 1785 or 1786. Sproule, no doubt, in compiling the Commissioner's map, 
whether through oversight or design, kept the spelling of his own earlier map as regards 
the syllable in question, though he altered the second syllable of his own word to conform 
to the Surveyor's form. 

The persistence to our own day of the cumbersome spelling of the word in face of the fact 
that it is invariably pronounced like Macadavie, is a remarkable cartographical phenomenon, 
and is no doubt explained by the immense authority and influence of the Commissioners' map. 
It can only be a question of time before a simpler form will come into use on the maps. 
The best form, expressing exactly the local pronunciation, while preserving something of the 
history of the word, would be Macadavie. I propose to use this form in future publications, 
but hesitate to begin with one of historical character. 

Happily the origin of the name is perfectly clear. There is ample evidence to show, from 
Indian and other testimony, that it is derived from an inseparable prefix Mag, meaning "big," 
a syllable a to separate two similar sounds, kat (or kaht) meaning " Eel," a-ioe, the 
possessive, meaning " its," and a locative k, designating " place," though it is very likely 
that this is an abbreviation for an older tuk, meaning " river." It would hence be Mag-a- 
kat-a-ice-k, meaning " Big Eel its place," that is Big-Eel Place, or River. This interpre- 
tation also agrees perfectly with some of the earlier forms of the word published prior to 
the work of the Commission, some of which forms are given, with other nomenclatorial matter 
about this river, in Trans. Royal Soc. Canada, II, 1896, ii, 247. 

* Mr. John Campbell, as Peters states. He was a prominent merchant of St. Andrews. 
Some facts concerning him are contained in the inscription from his tombstone, given by 
D. R. Jack in Acadiensis, III, 205. 


a boat to carry up our provisions &c to the First Falls before next morn- 
ing. On the 27th we proceeded with the beginning of the tide of flood 
and arrived at the Falls in about an hour. This Cataract falls into what 
is called the Bason at the head of the Tide in a very singular manner. A 
stranger, as he approaches it, entirely loses the course of the River and 
is at a Loss where to look for it untill he turns an acute point of Rock 
on the left, he then all at once discovers a very Picturesque water Fall 
precipetating with great violence by broken irregular steps in a deep 
and narrow chasm cut in the course of time thro' a slaty rock from the 
Bason to the place where the head of the Fall now is, by the continual 
descent of the torrent of Water over it.* We carried across the Port- 
age f at the Falls as much of provisions, &c as a small skiff and canoe 
[our Batteau and Birch Cannoe, P.] could carry and deposited the re- 
mainder at the house of Captain Clinch. J [This morning hired Swear- 
ing Kelly and Boat to carry our provisions to the First Falls., P.] We 
then proceeded up the River and arrived that night about half a mile 
below Col. McKay's.] j [about four miles above the Canal. P.] where 
we pitchecl our Tent, this being judged a convenient station to remain 
in untill we should have surveyed from the Entrance of the Canal to the 
Lake Eutopia, to the Second Falls, we therefore on the morning of the 
28th sent all the men in two boats for the articles left at the lower Falls 
in order to be brought to Col. McKay's. 

( )n the morning of the 29th of May after comparing our Surveying 
Instruments, Mr. Peters and myself commenced the survey of the River 
Magagawdavic on the East side at the entrance of the Canal to the Lake 
Eutopia, being the place to which, the Survey had been carried last year. 
\\ e surveyed this day near 3 miles, noteing the courses and distances of 
every turn of the River as well as its breadth and depth with the outmost 
precision. Breadth from 600 to 430 links. Depth from 19 to 12 feet. 

* An admirable description of this fine fall and remarkable basin ; compare Peters' 
account under Oct. 12th, earlier. A note in Campbell's Field Book gives the Indian name 
of the Fall as Suboguapsk or Lower Falls. Subo probably is seepe, " river," while fjvapsk 
is " falls," that is " River Falls." There is also a root subo or soobo which means " clear," 
applied to water, but it does' not seem to be applicable here. 

f Close to the Falls on the east side, as Campbell's general map shows. 

;!; Captain Peter Clinch, a prominent Loyalist, resident of St. George. There is an account 
of him in Vroom's History, earlier mentioned, No. LXXIV, and by Dr. W. O. Raymond in 
tbeee Collections, Vol. II, 218. 

Compare a note later under May 31st. 

The spelling Utopia used by Peters is correct. On the origin of this name., compare 
Trans. Royal Soc. Canada, XII, 1906, ii, 52. 

Its Indian name Muskequagamus, given in Campbell's Field Book, is without doubt from 
Muske, " grass," and quacjamus, " little lake," that is " Grassy Little Lake," in allusion to 
the long grassy points at the canal. (Compare Bulletin Natural History Society of N. B., 

D Campbell tf?7. 

Scale J mile 
to / inch 

1 3* Tails (Height fTeet). 



[Tuesday] May 30th. In the morning we compared our Field books 
and made a Traverse table of the work of the day before. This we 
always continued to do during the remainder of the Survey. We sur- 
veyed this day as far as Col. McKay's house about 2 miles.* Breadth 
from 343 to 350 links. Depth from 13 to 30 feet. 

[Wednesday] May 31st. We surveyed to a little above the second 
Falls,! about two miles and a half. Breadth from 510 to 250 inks. 
Depth from 21 to 10 feet. The River Magagawdavic between the first and 
second Falls is very still and deep and when the water is low the current 
is scarcely perceptible. The Land bordering on the River between these 
Falls is generally low, and subject to be overflown, being' about half a 
mile between the mountains, and the River running a winding course 
alternately touches the base of the high land on either side. The moun- 
tains are considerably high and some of them are almost entirely destitute 
of verdure, being nothing but naked and rugged eminences of Red Rock,! 
We were informed that about thirty years ago,|| this country for a great 
extent was entirely overrun by a dreadfull fire that consumed all the 
Timber on the mountains except a few lofty black stumps of Pine, so 
that on the whole this vicinity makes but a very desolate appearance. 

No. XIV, 1896, 43), though the "little" is curiously inappropriate. The Passamaquoddies 
today call it Muskequagum, " Grassy Lake," which is more natural. 

The Forks, where the Canal joins the Main) River, is called Nigtook in Campbell's Field 
Book. This is the Indian word for " Fork " of a river ; it occurs as Nictau on Tobique, the 
same word without the locative k. 

On the map occurs a name for a mountain but it is indistinct and may be Trunion or 
Truman. If Vernon, it would be connected with the Loyalist family of that name. I cannot 
explain it. 

* Passing two rivulets, Puzzle Brook and another, faint on the map, apparently Chys 
Brook, and two important streams, Muskack Creek, now Linton Stream, and Muskacksis, 
now Bonny River. Muskack is clearly Muske, " grass," and the locative k, that is " Grassy 
Place," presumably descriptive ; Muskacksis is simply the diminutive that is " Little Grassy 
Place." Also they passed Bad Kick, from Bad or Pet, "a bend," and Kik, "a place," — "Bend 
Place," which is the exact equivalent of our word "Oxbow; " it occurs! on the Tobique, and 
is the original from which Patticake Creek on the Kennebecasis is corrupted. 

v Skuda/pskanigan of the map; now called Upper Falls. I believe this word is from skut, 
meaning "open," (by being burnt, as in Scoodic), wapsk, "rocks," and anigan or onegun 
" a portage," that is the " open rocks portage " place, which would be descriptive. 

t Tli is descriptive phrase has now become a place-name, as the modern maps will show, 
It may interest the reader to know that the geographical evolution of this river has been, in 
a general way, worked out (as described in Bulletin Nat. History Soc. of N. B., No. XXII, 

>, 205). It seems clear that the ancient course of the river was along Red Rock Stream 
and the chain of lakes to Forked Lake and thence onward to Maces Bay ; and there have 
been other profound changes of valleys towards the headwaters. But these need yet to be 
worked out in detail, in which fact is involved a splendid problem for some future young 
physiographer of New Brunswick. 

This great fire .should be included in the list given in the Bulletin Nat. History Soc. 
N. B., No. XX, 1902, 434. Some idea of its extent, and of other fires on the river, is given 
later in the Journals. 


There is notwithstanding some spots of Intervale land here hardly inferior 
to any we ever have seen, particularly the Location of Colonel McKay.* 
[Having mentioned this gentleman we cannot pass over him without 
mentioning the civilities we received from him whilst in his Neighbour- 
hood, he did all that was in his power to forward the Survey, and for 
our own Convenience. P.] 

The second Falls forms a very beautifull cascade over a perpendicular 
Rock about 14 feet high. [14^2 feet, must be worth seeing in a high 
Fresh. P.] There was formerly a sawmillf at this place which is very 
well adapted for it, but the owner having failed, he left it and the work 
is now going fast to decay. 

[Thursday] June 1st. Having carried our boats, provisions, &c 
above the Falls by a short portage, four of the men were directed to 
proceed with them up the River and pitch our Tent at Indian Point. 
With the other four we proceeded with the survey and measured this 
day near 2 miles. Breadth 680 to 300 links. Depth from 4 to 14 feet. 
We passed another Fall in the River about a mile and a quarter above 
the 2d Falls, but as the water was high the people dragged the boat and 
canoes over without unloading.^ 

[Friday] June 2d. We surveyed near 2^ miles. Breadth from 780 
to 400 links. Depth from 7 to 9 feet. 

[Saturday] June 3d. Surveyed near 2^ miles. Breadth from 750 
to 410 links. Depth from 6 to 12 feet. The current is very gentle be- 
tween the second and third Falls and about half a mile further, but then 
it becomes very rapid about half a mile more, where the people had a 
great deal of trouble in the boat and canoes, the course of the River being 
so broken with Rocks and large Stone and the current so rapid as to 
render it impractible to proceed a foot without wading in the water and 
dragging the boats by hand.|| Above those rapids the current was more 

♦Colonel Hugh MacKay, a prominent Loyalist. There is an account of- him in Vroom's 
History, earlier mentioned, No. CXXIV, and by Dr. W. O. Raymond in these Collections 
Vol. II, 203, 470. 

f Another is shown on Muskack Creek (Linton Stream). There is another reference to 
lumbering^ under June 17th. Some interesting incidental references to lumbering on this 
river, prior to and following this time, are contained in the early Statutes of New Brunswick 
(Acts of the General Assembly to 1836, Fredericton, 1838. Index). 

The Sutherland's of the map was no doubt William Sutherland, a Loyalist, of whom there 
is mention in Vroom's History, earlier cited. No. LXXVII. 

* This, which he mentions below as Third Falls, is a bad rapid, now called Stones Rips, 
if I am rightly informed. 

|| Long Rips on the map; now called Indian- Rips. 


gentle and continued so as far as the fourth Falls.* Here again the 
River is precipitated in a broken and violent course over Rocks and 
huge masses of Stone formed into several irregular steps, forming a 
descent of about 9 feet perpendicular. [There are several small Islands 
in the River as will appear on the plan of our Survey. P.] 

Monday, June the 5th. We continued the survey a little more than 
a mile & a half. Breadth from 850 to 300 links. Depth from 7 to 5 
feet. In the afternoon it rained, [a tedious rain storme. P.] 

[Tuesday] June 6th. We surveyed about 2^ miles. Breadth from 
310 to 700 links. Depth from 4 to 7 feet deep. This day we passed the 
entrance of a small River from the Eastwardf its breadth is 165 links 
and depth 3 $4 feet. 

From the fourth falls the current is very gentle near two miles where 
it again becomes rapid and continues so with little intermission as far as 
the head of Tent Rapid, $ from this upwards it is more moderate, and 
altho' it is swift water the course of it is smooth and less interupted by 
Rocks or large Stone. At the head of this intolerable Rapid the Land 
also changes its appearance. We did not before we came to this place 
see a spot that had escaped the fire, but here we first observed beautifull 
Intervale land on both sides of the River thro' which it runs a winding 
course, the whole torming a very pleasing: view to us who had just passed 
lower down so compleat a foil to it. [The Land on the River as far as 
Tent Rapid head forma 1 ly Burnt and groan uo to small Birch, Pine, 
Spruce and Popla'rs that makes verv tedious Surveying, this morning 
sent 2 men and an Indian down the River after provision. P.] 

* Now called McDougall's Falls. It is, curiously enough, misnamed 3rd Falls on the 
map. The Indian name, Squidapskuneganissis, is simply the diminutive of the name of 
Second Falls. 

On the map, in this day's surveying are some Indian names. Pumpegle, or Pumjugle, 
Pt. (word indistinct in original) seems to apply to the point opposite Saggidiack, but I can- 
not explain it. Saggidiack is the Indian name of Red Rock Stream. The word strongly 
suggests Shikatehawk (on the St. John), and is perhaps identical with it. I have some 
reason to believe the latter word means " a place for obtaining fire-flints," i. e. flints for 
striking fire. But the matter needs farther study. 

+ This was McDougall Stream, as we now call it. Its name is a little indistinct on the 
original Field Book, but the general map shows it to be Abuguapska. The first part, Abug, 
is probably the prefix, meaning "parallel" (as in Apagwit, "the parallel island," name of 
Campobello), while uapska of course means "rocks; " it might therefore be the "parallel 
.vsoky " stream, alluding to the course taken by it and the lake in relation to the main river. 
But this explanation is only tentative. 

They also passed earlier Magzowmusk (with Kingsbrook applied to the same stream and 
crossed out in the Field Book), now called Lake Stream. This word I cannot explain, except 
that musk suggests muske, "grass," as in Muskack, earlier discussed, while Mag is apparently 
" big," as in Magaguadavic. 

t Xow called Turnover Island Rips. 

J). Campbell. 

<Sca/e 7 m'i7e 
to 7 mcA 

'\Narrow5 or $* 'Tails 

TZPesJaheegan. Trvm 
tfie head of this ~R ihtrt is 
' a short port aje fz mile 
to a Branch of the 
rorn veto 


[Wednesday] June 7th. It rained which prevented us from proceed- 
ing this day with the survey. The people however as it was fair by 
Intervals, were employed in transporting our Provisions further up the 
River, [as far as the next proposed place for moving our Tent. P.] 
and as it was probable that in the heat of summer the Waters would 
became very low we resolved to send what should be thought necessary 
up near the Lakes as soon as possible. For this purpose we employed 
an Indian to go with one of our people in two Bark canoes loaded with 
Provisions as far as the Forks of the River Pequesegehawk* [the 2nd 
Forks. P.] It was owing to this precaution that we were enabled to 
pursue the Survey without interuption. 

[Thursday] June 8th. The survey was this day brought about a 
mile above the Fifth Fallsf a little more than three miles. Breadth from 
300 to 550 links. Depth from 4 to 10 feet. [Friday] June 9th. We 
continued the Survey more than 2^ miles [which carrys us up the West 
Branch or Fork 367 Rods, this morning all of our men employed in 
gitting our provisions up those Rapids above Rock Falls untill 10 o'clock. 
P.] Breadth from 490 to 250 links. Depth from 5 to 4 feet. 

We this day passed the entrance of the River Peskeheegan,^ which 
flows into the Magagawdavic from the Eastward. The confluence of 
those two Rivers is called the Grand Fork, where we left according to 
our Instructions a letter addressed to Mr. Titcomb|| acquainting him that 
we proceeded on the western branch [having been informed that Mr. 
Titcomb has arvd at this River as a Surveyor to take' a part in the survey 
of this River and having been informed that we are to have a choice in 
the Business therefore we have taken the West Branch. P.] 

The current from the head of Tent Rapid as already mentioned is 
gentle and continues so as far as the 5th falls, the perpendicular height 
of those Falls is about 5 feet. From this place about half a mile upwards 
nothing can exceed the violence and rapidity of the current, [about 100 
Rods above the Falls last mentioned are great Rapids and about 20 Rods 
above that is Logg Rapid. P.] and it is surprising to see with what 
ease an Indian will set a Bark Canoe with a considerable load against it 

* This word is discussed later under June 26th. 

t Now called Little Falls. On the map, Point of Rock Falls or Malecuniganiss. The 
termination iss seems to indicate a diminutive: unigan is plainly the same root, as occurs 
In Scudapskanigan, that is " a portage," but Malec I cannot explain. 

v On the map Peskiheegan. It is locally pronounced Piskehaygan. It means " Branch," 
and is the same word as Baskahegan in Maine. 

This survey was actually made by Titcrmb, as shown by the representation of the stream 
on the Commissioners' map mentioned In the Introduction to this paper, but no records of his 
survey nrr known to me. Some interesting facts about other surveys of Titcomb's in New 
Brunswick are in the Trans. Royal Soc. Canada, VII, ii, 276, and in Bulletin Nat. Hist. Soc. 
X. B., No. XXI, 1903, 47. The name Grand Fork is in a New Brunswick Statute of 1786, 
and is on the Sproule map of that year. 


where the least mistake might be destruction to himself and his Bark. 
After we had passed those Rapids,* the current became again more 
gentle, the bed of the River is of a more equal ascent and less Rocky, so 
that the water altho swift, is smooth, and forms in the vicinity of the 
Fork a very beautiful stream, [the Banks of the River apears Beauty- 
fully ; the groath Beech Birch Maple and Elm. Mr. Campbell and myself 
went up the N. E. Fork about y 2 mile then went on to a small moun- 
tain. P.] From the top of a high rock on the Southern Bank of the 
Peskeheegan, we had a view of a very extensive Range of Upland on 
the Western branch, the growth being hard Wood, entirely unmixed 
with any timber of the Pine or Spruce kinds ; which we concluded to be 
supperior to any tract of upland we had any where seen. We saw the 
same sort of land on the Eastern Branch, but not so extensive. 

The breadth of the River Peskeheegan is 115 links. Depth 3 feet 
at the entrance. The breadth of the River Magagawdavic taken just 
above the entrance of the Peskeheegan 228 links, depth 6 feet. 

We this day, about a mile above the Grand Fork,f passed the place 
where the Fredericton Road crosses the Magagawdavic, and, had it not 
been shewn to us, we certainly never would have known it for a Road. 

[Saturday] June 10th. We surveyed this day near 2 miles. Breadth 
from 332 to 200 links. Depth from 2^2 to 3 feet, [the banks of the 
River Beautifull intervals. P.] 

[Sunday nth June. As it is necessary our provisions should be 
forwarded on up the River as soon as possible, have sent two Birch 
Cannoes up the River this morning with provision and ordered them to 
carry it three days and then leave it at some place out of the way of 
danger and then Returne. P.] 

[Monday] June 12th. continued the Survey near three miles. 
Breadth from 300 to 370 links. Depth from 1^ to 3 feet. The current 
this day became stronger than on the two days preceding, and altho' the 
channel was free from Rocks it was however difficult to set our boats 
against it, the water being generally so shallow as to be unsufficient to 
float them. [The banks of the River not equal to the Banks about the 
Forks. I think it may be called the 2nd quality, the groath Spruce, 
hemlock and hardwood and some pine. P.] 

* Log Rapid of the map, now called Skulkin Rips. 

t Just above this on the map is R. Tcstuguack, now called Kedron Brook. The termin- 
ation quack, or tuguack, is a common suffix meaning " Branch " (of a river, as in Macta- 
quack), but the Tes I cannot explain. 

Nearly opposite, on the map, is Muinewich Mtn. The meaning is plain. Main means 
" Bear," a-ve, is the possesive, meaning " its," and wich or wij is a root meaning hill or 
mountain ; hence with some condensation the word is Muin-a-we-wij, that is " Bear its 
mountain," or Bear Mountain. 

The Fredericton road at this time, of course, had been merely marked, not cut out. 


[Tuesday] June 13th. We this day surveyed about 2J/2 miles which 
brought us a half a mile above the 6th Falls.* [Narrow or 6th Falls. P.] 
Breadth from 300 to 100 links. Depth from iy 2 to 13 feet. Current 
the same as the day before, [from the first place of beginning on Mon- 
day [2th June to Narrow or 6th Falls the water run smoothe and quick. 
Except one small Rapid, and above this Rapid more moderate. P.] 
Nothing could be more laborious or troublesome than the progress this 
day of the Survey ; either thro' Cedar Swamps almost impenetrable, or 
over cliffs and broken Precipieces, where all the Trees had been torn up 
by the roots, and made the interuption and confusion of the ground to 
exceed all description. Those difficulties besides myriads of gnats & 
muskitos made this days work very severe. About a mile and a half 
below the 6th Falls we passed a small stream flowing into the Magagaw- 
davic from the Westward, called Pogsegiass.f It was very rapid, 30 
links across the entrance. We passed another stream on the 10th from 
the Fastward (omitted to be mentioned in the proper place) 4 Breadth 
at the entrance 45 links, depth 3^2 feet. 

The River Magagawdavic at the Sixth Falls is no more than 20 feet 
over ; it passes with great violence between two high Rocks and falls 
about 4 feet. Depth below the Fall 13 feet, and above it 4 feet. 

[Wednesday] June 14th. This day it rained. 

[Thursday] June 15th. We proceeded with the Survey about 2^ 
Miles, [850 Rods. P.] Breadth from 200 to 160 links. Depth from 2 
to 9 feet. The current to the distance of near two miles above the Sixth 
Falls or Narrows is considerably more gentle than it was below that 
place, it then became almost dead water, [the Land on the Banks of the 
River the 2nd quality, the groath spruce, hemlock, hardwood, and some 
good pine Timber. P.] 

[Friday] June 16th. We continued the Survey [688 Rods. P.] as 
far as Petcjuimusighavvk, jj a small stream that Falls into the Magagaw- 

* Now called Flume Falls. It is 5th Falls on the map. The numbers of the Falls on 
Campbell's general map agree with his Journal. It is curious that he has them different in 
his Field Book. Evidently the confusion came through the doubt whether to call the Third 
Falls a fall or a rapid. 

f Now called Cox's Brook. The name Pogsegiass, involves, I think, the root Pog or Pole, 
meaning "narrow" (as in Pokiok), seg or sak, possibly meaning "rock," but the termiD' 
ation I do not understand. One must visit these places on purpose to observe their physical 
characteristics before he can hope to interpret the names. I had not this matter specially 
in mind when I came down the river some years ago. 

| Of course the Testuguack. 

Called also Musquash R. on the map; now Lower Trout Brook. The termination ghaivk 
Is clearly one form of guec or guac meaning " Branch ; " pet may be the root for " bend " 
fas in Badkick, discussed earlier), though petquimus has a resemblance to a condensation of 
a root petqu of a word for " round," with agamus, " a pond " (as in Poguagomus, discussed 
under July 21). It would thus mean "Round little-pond branch," describing a feature 
actually shown on this stream on the Geological map. But this is verv problematical. 


davic from the Westward, Breadth at the entrance 34 links, Depth 5 
feet. The Land on both sides of the River this day was very low 
meadow, descending from the Banks untill it becomes) a Bog at the Base 
of the upland. Breadth from 208 to 130 links, depth from 6 to n feet. 
The current scarcely perceptible. [Land the 2d quality, a mixture of 
groath. P.] 

[Saturday] June 17th. [Rain untill 10 O.clock. P.] We surveyed 
this day between two and three Miles. Breadth from 125 to 155 links, 
depth from 4 to 9 feet. Current very gentle. Our progress was this 
day much impeded by low meadow land covered with alder bushes, grow- 
ing so closs as to be almost impenetrable. Here the River flows in a 
very serpentine course thro' some of the finest meadow land in the world ; 
in some places the ground is free from underbrush, and here and there 
a large spreading Elm, or a clump of White Maple, and'withithe luxuri- 
ant verdure bellow them, the whole forms some delightfull (and even 
elegant) Landscips.* 

[The River deep and Narrow and slow current. Musquash Brook 
opposite the 2d station of this day on the West side of the River — this 
is something of a stream 23 feet wide and 5 deep and something of a 
current setting out of it. Loggs has been cut up this Brook and con- 
veyed down this Brook into the main River. P.]f 

[Monday] June 19th. In the forenoon of this day it rained, but in 
the afternoon we proceeded with the Survey about a mile. The current 
became a little stronger from () l / 2 to 5 feet deep, the breadth of the River 
from 125 to 200 links. On the west side we this day passed a small 
RivuletJ [about 21 feet wide and 4 feet deep. P.] running a very wind- 
ing course thro' fine meadow land, [the width of the main River from 
5 to 8 Rods, debth from 5 to 93/2 feet, the River deep and current slow. 
The Banks of the River apears to be good, the groath Spruce, Hemlock, 
Beech, Birch, Maple, Elm and some pine Timber, the Meadow grass 
on the points that the River forms makes a Beauty full apearance. P.] 

[Tuesday] June 20th. We continued the Survey about 2 J / 2 miles. 
The current became this day considerably stronger, [the river growing 
Shallow. P.] and is from 4, to 2 feet deep, the River from 125, to 200 

* He is describing the very attractive intervales of Brockway, and the very pleasing river 
•which I myself know well. Most of the way from a little below the Porks of the N. E. 
Branch (River Pequesegehawk) down to the Flume Falls, this river is charming, an ideal 
canoe stream winding gently through a country which well deserves the praise our author 
gives it. 

•j In this connection note Andres's Camp on the map. 

j Now Upper Trout Brook. On the map Pontook or Fall Stream is marked out, and 
Hetiackmigack is written in. The termination gack of course is a form of guac, or gahawk, 
meaning " Branch," and i-ack may refer to a gorge, as in Pokiok. But I cannot further 
explain the word. There is a word pantook, meaning " waterfall," which explains the first 

10. Campbell. I7?7 

Scale f rritle. 
fi r'mcfi 

Sfusguash R. _S 


Jinks broad. The Land continued to be the same as described on the 
17th, only not quite so low. [The Banks of the River in general apears 
good, the groath a mixture of Spruce, Hemlock and Hardwood. The 
River running in such a crooked direction and in many plases the Bushes 
so thick makes slow and tedious surveying. Width of River from 5 to 
8 Rods, debth from 4 to 2 feet. P.] 

[Wednesday] June 21st. We continued the Survey near 2^4 miles. 
The current became progressively stronger, the depth of water was from 
2, to 4 feet, and from 150 to 250 links broad. The land was generally 
low Intervale, except now and then some high banks of a poor gravelly 
soil covered with a mixture of Black spruce, Hemlock, and Pine. We 
took notice at every place where the River touched the Upland since 
we passed the second Falls, that there was always more or less Pine 
Timber, but as we advanced upwards, the quantity greatly increased, so 
that it appeared to us if but a small proportion of it was sound, it would 
be sufficient to supply all the vessels in the world with masts, [on the 
upland as great quantityes of pine as I ever saw. The Length of these 
pine Trees is astonishing. P.] We observed one Pine tree (not of the 
largest size), which had fallen, that measured 146 feet. 

[Thursday] June 22d. We continued the survey a little more than 
two miles. The current became this day still more swift, the River was 
from 1, to 7 feet deep, and from 250 to 100 links broad. This day we 
passed a Portage, said to be three miles south East, to the Lake at the 
head of the principal branch of the River Oromucto, a Branch of the 
River St. John; the Indians frequently go by this route from the River 
last mentioned to Passamaquody.* 

[Friday] June 23d. We continued the survey about a mile, we were 
prevented from going further by Rain,f [width from 80 to 250 Links, 
debth from 1 to 4 feet, quick current and smooth water the Banks of the 
River good, the upland poor and vast quantityes of Large pine Trees, 
admitting a small proportion of them was sound appearently all the ships 
in the world may be furnished with masts from this River. P.] 

* This portage is mapped, and described, to Oromocto Lake, in Bulletin Nat. History Soc. 
N. B., Xo. XXII, 1904, 192. As a reference towards the end of the Journals shows, they 
crossed it to the lake, probably on their way down river after the completion of the survey. 

Just below it they passed the stream Ehahach, a little stream now nameless on modern 
maps. The word suggests Apahak (or Apohaqui) on the Kennebecasis, and even EJc-a pa-hak 
at Springhill on the St. John. All of these words may be related, and express the idea of 
the head of the quieter and beginning of the rapid water. This would fit fairly the position 
of Ebahach, or Ebahatch as it is on Campbell's general, and the Commissioners' maps. 

f They passed the stream Coodemusquecat, new Bratts Brook. This word I cannot explain. 
The syllable musq suggests the termination of Magzowmusk, earlier discussed ; perhaps it is 
simply muske, " grass," and Coocl is probably the same as Good in a word mentioned under 
Aug. 23rd. 


[Saturday J June 24th. This clay it rained. 

[Monday] June 26th. We proceeded with the Survey about 2^2 
miles [748 Rods. P.], breadth of the River from 125 to 250 links, depth 
from 1, to 4 feet. The current since the 22d became considerably rapid, 
the channel being in many places entirely filled with Rocks and Shoals, 
so that the boats could not be brought along without the most laborious 
exertion. We this day passed the entrance of the River Pequesegehawk,* 
[or 2nd Forks. P.] which comes into the Magagawdavic from the N. E., 
its breadth at the entrance is 50 links, and the depth 3 feet, [is said to 
have 5 lakes on it by the Indians and its source on the rear of the Town- 
ship Prince William on the River St. John. The stream hithertwo has 
been called the main Branch of this River, but the West Fork is by far 
the largest and apears to us to be the main Branch. The River very 
Rocky, rapid and unequal in its width, from 125 to 250 links, debth from 
I to 4 feet. The Banks of the River apears to be the 2nd quality except 
towards the last part of our days work, very rough and poor Land. As 
we advance up the River the quantity of pine increases. P.] 

[Tuesday] June 27th. We proceeded with the survey a little more 
than two miles. The breadth of the River was this day very unequal, 
being from 625, to 75 links, and the depth from 1, to 6 feet. In order to 
give a more just idea of this River, it is proper to mention, that altho' 
not less than one foot depth of water was hitherto found on any; one line 
drawn across the River, yet the channel is generally so filled up with large 
stone, that a boat whose draught of water was but 3 inches would not 
float clear over them, this made the progress of our canoes and boat very 
difficult and slow. , 

The going by Land was no better than it was by water. The ground 
near the River (where we of necessity must go) altho' generally level, 
was covered with large masses of very irregular Rocks, and it was to us 
a matter of astonishment to observe Timber of the largest size growing 
where there did not appear to be a spadefull ofc soil. There was besides 
a great quantity of underbrush and windfalls, which made travelling 
thro' those woods as bad as can well be immagined, and yet before we 
compleated the survey we experienced a great deal worse, [several small 
Reaches of still water . . . and many very bad rapids, rocky and shal- 
low a great quantity of Cedar on the Banks of the River, and 

almost a solid bed of rocks covered with moss. P.l 

* Now called the North East Branch. The Indian name Pequesegeliawk appears in the 
form Pocashaguack (applied to the lakes) on an earlier map by Lambton mentioned in a note 
later under August 23rd. It seems plain that the termination gehawk is the same as quec 
or quae, an inseparable suffix meaning " Branch ; " but the remainder of the word I cannot 

They passed the Shallow R. or* Libbegahawk, now Davis Brook. The termination of this 
word gehav:k, must, as just mentioned, mean " Branch ; " but the remainder I cannot explain. 

Tfcad of (fie »-"^ r 
West jrancfc^^ 'M '/ 


D. Campbell -l]?7 

<Sca/e /mile 
to 1 inch 








o- < ft- 

I" V 


f v c 





© ! 


[Wednesday J June 28th. We Surveyed near two miles. The breadth 
of the River was from 625 to 75 links, depth from y 2 to 12 feet. The 
River was this day formed either into broad smooth Ponds with a gentle 
current, or very violent rapids, and in one place about half a mile extent, 
it was divided into very small streams, among innumerable rocks and 
Islands* covered with drift wood and wind falls, which made us almost 
despair of getting our boats as far as the Lakes. We however con- 
tinued to persevere, knowing that the survey of an extensive Lake would 
necessarily take a great deal of time without the help of a boat. 

[Thursday] June 29th. We proceeded with the Survey and in less 
than half a mile reached the outlet of a considerable Lake, called by the 
Indians Magagawdawagum.f [This Lake we have called Loon Lake. 
P.] Having marked the extremity of the last course, we went up- the 
Lake in order to make such observations as should enable us to measure 
it with the greatest advantage. We landed on the N. E. side [go up the 
Lake about 2 miles and camp on the East Shore of the Lake. P.] and 
perceived immediately an intolerable stench, like that of putrid fish, but 
which we found was occasioned by multitudes of dead winged Insects, 
near one inch in length, that everywhere lined the shore about two feet 
in breadth and two or three inches in depth ; the quantity of those insects 
was astonishing in a circumference of Forty miles round the shores of 
the Lake, we afterwards found them every where in the same proportion. 

In the morning after a still night we observed that the surface of 
the Lake was generally covered with a yellow scumf resembling sulphur 
mixed thick with those flies which gave the water an intolerable bad 
smell, than which nothing could be more offensive, and yet we were 
oblidged to drink of it, as we could not find a spring of water any where 
around the Lake. [After viewing the Lake and by Indian accounts of 
the Branches suppose three months will complete the business, and we 
order provision to be sent to this River for that term of time. P.] 

[Friday] June 30th. W r e surveyed about a mile, to the first con- 
siderable point on the S. W. side of the outlet. [This forenoon pitch our 
Tent towards the S. W. part of the Lake. P.] 

[Saturday] July 1st. We surveyed about two miles, [and establish 
several points which forms good Bases for surveying the West and North 
shores by Intersections. P.] 

[Monday] July 3d. We measured 129 Rods and having established 
a good Base ; and' points sufficient on the S. E. side, we commenced the 
Survey of the Lake by Intersections. [Surveyed to pt. 6, P.] 

* Now called Cedar Islands. 

7 This is simply the name of the River with the termination awgum or awagum, the 
inseparable suffix meaning " lake." 

t This, of course, is the pollen of the pines and spruces from the surrounding forests, 
while the insects were no doubt a species of May-fly, probably Hcptagenia pulchella. 


After having been one day hindered by high wind, and another day 
by Rain. 

[Tuesday 4th July.* this day Rain. 

Wednesday 5th July. Surveyed by Intersections to pt. 11 this day. 

Thursday 6th July, high wind at N. W. could not cross the Lake 
to our work with safety. 

Friday 7th July. Surveyed by Intersections from pt. 11 to pt. 14 
and from pt. E. to pt. B. 

Saturday 8th July. Surveyed from pt. B. to pt. A. and from pt. E. 
to pine point by Intersections and a number of small Islands as will 
apear by the plan. 

Monday 10th July. Surveyed by Intersections from pt. 14 to the 
Entrance of North River, this River 80 Links wide and 5 feet Deep, 
something of a current setting out of this River. P.] 

[Tuesday] July nth. [Surveyed by Intersections from the Enter- 
ence of North River to pine point this day. P.] We finished the survey 
of this Lake, and found its greatest length to be near 8 miles, and great- 
est breadth about 3^2 miles, and by reason of the irregularity of its form, 
is not less than 40 miles in circumference, this if measured by the chain 
would greatly have increased the time and trouble of surveying it. It 
is almost altogether occupied by shallows and enormuous large Stone, 
we no where found more than 22 feet depth of water. The shores are 
in many places lined with those masses of stone in a very singular man- 
ner, being formed into regular walls, as if built by art, considerably 
higher than the ground beyond them. They have no doubt been formed 
in this manner by the pressure of the Ice and high winds, the nature of 
the ground in the bottom of the Lake makes the conjecture probable,f 
This Lake has a great number of small Islands covered with Pine, 
Spruce, and white birch. $ The land round it is generally very low, and 
is nothing but stone and moss, it produces notwithstanding, white and 
yellow Pine [ I of the fairest growth in the greatest abundance. At some 
distance it is surrounded by considerable high Mountains covered almost 
altogether with hard wood, [Beech, Birch, Maple, Ash, Basswood, 
Spruce and Hemlock. P.] which always indicates a good soil. It is 

* There are no entries in Campbell's Journal from July 4-10th. 

f Our author's observation and explanation are both correct. This Lake, and surrounding 

country, lie in a region covered with immense granitic boulders, which powerfully affect the 

topography, vegetation and other characteristics of the region. It was of course for the 

y-like appearance of the shore that he named one place on the Lake Stonewell Bay. 

± These island are now occupied In some part by little camp-houses of summer visitors. 

No Yellow Pine occurs in New Brunswick; our author must mean the species we call 

Jicd Pine. 



D Campbell -l?n 

Scale I mile 

k I inch 












,lasttaa._ _ 
noke . 




- t A 7?. 






remarkable that on all the High land we saw after having passed the 
Peskeheegan, the soil is of a better quality than that in the valleys, the 
surface oi the ground in the latter, being altogether covered with stone 
(many of them of enormous bulk) producing nothing but moss and 
evergreens, and it is surprising that even these should grow where there 
is nut the least appearance of soil; on the former the soil is excellent, 
and it is net very stony. I believe the reverse of this holds true in most 
other countri* 

[Wednesday] July 12th. We continued the Survey up a Stream 
emptying into the north end of the Lake, which we called North River, 
at the discharge into the Lake it is 80 1. broad and 5 feet deep, with a 
very gentle current. We this day measured by the chain, and in a mile 
and a half we discovered North Lake, [Long Lake. P.]f we proceeded 
along the Eastern shore about a mile further, [and establish several 
good points as we survey which forms good Base Lines to survey the 
West Shore of the Lake by Intersections. P.] 

[Thursday] July 13th. We continued the survey of the Lake and 
after having run near a mile and a half with the chain we began the 
admeasurement of it by Intersections. 

[Friday] July 14th. 'We compleated the survey of North Lake, 
which we found to be 2 J / 2 miles long and J / 2 mile broad. It is shallower 
but not so full of Rocks as the former Lake, and the high land approaches 
it nearer, particularly on the west side, [a very Beautyfull Lake almost 
clear from stones and Islands this Lake shallow the greatest depth 13 
feet. The Land bordering on upon this Lake for the most part had been 
formally burnt and grown up to small Birches, the high Land round the 
Lake apears to be good, the groath chiefly Hardwood. P.] 

[Saturday] July 15th. We began the Survey of. the N. E. inlet$ into 
North Lake ; at its entrance it is 27 links broad, and 5 feet deep, the 
current but just perceptible. About a mile from the mouth we came to 

* Peters' description of the Lake is somewhat more detailed as to the location of moun- 
tains and islands, but contains nothing essentially different. 

The Field Book shows that the surveyors had in use a number of names for coves which 
are not on their maps. Their locations can easily be identified, and I have added them in 
parentheses to the map of the lake. The reason for the duplication, in large and small script, 
of certain words, is given in the first footnote to this paper. 

It will be noticed that this lake, like Poquagomus and Cranberry Lakes, is given a larger 
absolute size by Campbell's maps than by any of our modern printed maps, while North (or 
Little Magaguadavic) Lake is made smaller by Campbell. But Campbell's maps are all 
correctly reproduced (exactly one-fourth their original size), and I have no question that they, 
and not the modern copies, are correct. 

v Now locally called Little Magaguadavic Lake. It is very attractive, as Peters later 

t Now called, on the map at least, Meadow Brook. 


a Fork, and we followed that which came from the northward. We this 
day surveyed near two miles. 

[Monday] July 17th. We surveyed about 2^4 miles, including one 
[Eastern. P.] side of a small Lake,* [Narrow Lake. P.] the other being 
surveyed by Intersections. 

[Tuesday] July 18th. This day after having Surveyed about a mile 
and a half we found the Spring head of this Branch in a small [Cedar. 
P.] Swamp surrounded by excellent hard wood land. Mr. Peters and 
myself at this place marked the initials of our names, with the year and 
day of the month, on a cedar tree. — we then returned to our Tent on 
North Lake. 

[Wednesday] July 19th. A doubt having arisen whether the branch 
that we passed on the 15th was not larger than the one we had just sur- 
veyed, we proceeded therefore on the East branch of the N. E. Inlet into 
North Lake, we this day measured a little more than 2 miles, [at 2 
o'clock came on a shower, the rain remaining on the Small Bushes so 
that we could do nothing the remainder of the day. P.] 

[Thursday] July 20th. We measured a little more than 3 miles, 
besides surveying the Eastern shore of Lilly Lake by Intersections. 

[Friday] July 21st. We surveyed about a mile and came to the 
Spring head of this Branch : we left the same marks here that we made 
at the head of the last branch and then returned to our Tent.f [Long 
Lake. P.] [We marked a black Ash Tree D. C. J. P. July 21st. 1797. 

P -l 

It is now proper in a few words to describe this Stream. It empties 

into the East side of North Lake, and for about half a mile is Rapid and 

Rocky, generally from 20, to 50 links over, in this distance the ground 

on both sides is flat upland [from the mouth to the Portage formally 

burnt. P.] covered entirely with enormuous masses of Stone, the upland 

then leaves the Stream on both sides and forms a valley of half a mile 

in breadth of low meadow, [ Stillwater. P.] almost without trees, thro' 

this meadow the stream runs from the Northward a very winding course 

about two miles, from 75, to no links in breadth, and from 3 to 4 feet 

deep, it then all at once grows very small, the upland draws close to 

the stream on both sides, and it continues northerly thro' Alder 

meadows [Larch Spruce and Alder heath. P.] or upland of considerable 

ascent, and in about half a mile further issues from the North end of a 

* Now called Tom Davis Lake, and of some local repute as a fishing place. 

fThe map shows very clearly the Indian portages uo this stream, and thence towards 
R. Peknyauk [Pokiok.1 It passed north of Magundy Ridge into, as is probable, Magundy 
Stream. This, and other Indian portages in New Brunswick, are fully described in the 
Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, V, 1899, ii, 233-259 ; and XII, 1906, ii, 84-105. 


small Lake [Narrow Lake. 1\J half a mile from North to South, and 
about 32 Rods broad. The Inlet flows into this Lake very near the 
outlet and comes from the N. N. W., about a mile and a half to the 
source, the ground being- of a very considerable ascent all the way. The 
Eastern branch joins the other as already mentioned, and continues 
Easterly, the rirst 80 Rods is narrow and Rapid, the ground being upland 
on both sides cose to the stream. It then opens into an extensive flat, 
[wide and still. P.] almost clear of trees, from whence we could see no 
high land. |some thing Rocky and small Rapid ... a large heath. P.] 
.About two miles from the Fork, the stream issues from the south end 
of Lilly Lake (called by the Indians Poguagomus).* This Lake is 
about a mile and a half from North to South, and half a mile from East 
to West. It appears to be very shallow, and is overgrown with Rushes, 
and white lillies of the most fragrant smell, [the Land bordering upon 
the Lake apears to be poor, low and Boggy. P.] The Inlet enters the 
North end of the Lake from a large Cedar swamp, and after running 
about a mile and three quarters thro' low sw r ampy land, it comes to a 
head. This branch. takes its rise from three very fine springs, each about 
25 links Diameter, and 4 feet deep, and only distant a few yards from 
each other. 

[Saturday] July 22d. This day being the last of the week, the people 
were employed in washing their cloaths &c, having had no spare time for 
this purpose for some time back. [As it was inconvenient to carry Books 
to make out our Traverse Tables, we employed ourselves in making out 
the Traverse Table of the weeks work and in washing our cloaths. P.] 

[Monday] July 24th. We commenced the survey of the North 
branch that empties into North Lake. This stream where it enters the 
Lake is 7 Rods in breadth including bog and grass, the deep channel is 
about 50 links, and 5 feet deep, without any perceptible current. We 
this day surveyed upwards of three miles on some of the most rugged 
ground we had yet seen, it was an uninterupted succession of huge masses 
of Rock laid upon one another in the utmost disorder, and occupying the 
whole surface, so as to render our business toilsome in the extreme, and 
even hazardous. 7 [the Land on both sides of the Brook formally Burnt 
and grown up to small Birch and Spruce. P.] 

[Tuesday] July 25th. It rained. 

* This name occurs on Eel River waters, to the! northwest, and in Maine, and is applied 
to shallow mud-hottomed ponds. The word is from Pogu or Poqu, meaning " shallow," and 
agamis, Inseparable suffix (diminutive of awgum) meaning " little lake; " — it means therefore 
How little lake." It is now called Mud Lake. 

r I have myself a vivid remembrance of the truth of this description., for I also have tried 
to follow the course of this stream. 


[Wednesday J July 20th. We surveyed near three quarters of a mile, 
untiil we found the Stream to issue from a small pond, where we ended 
the Survey of it. [The stream turning so far to the Southward, we think 
not to survey this stream any further and quit at this pond hole and 
Meadow.* There was a very small quantity of water running in this 
Brook where Ave quit it, suppose it could not extend more than 2 or 3 
hundred rods further to the very source. P.J We then went to the top 
of a very high hill, distant near a mile S. W ., from whence [the atmos- 
phere being very clear. P.] we had a very extensive prospect of the 
Country around us. [It appears to be very mountaineous. P.] At the 
bottom of this Hill to the N. W. we found a stream running northerly 
to a considerable Lake which we saw about three m. off. We supposed 
that this Lake empties into the River Sehogomuck, a branch of the River 
St. John. The Hill on which we then were, is an eminence of the Range 
of mountains from the N. W. side of Lake Magagawdawagum, running 
northerly and (I am of oppinion) continues untiil the River St. John 
intersects it at the Falls of Meductic.f 

[Thursday] July 27th. Having now compleated the Survey of North 
River, we returned this day to Lake Magagawdawagum [in order to 
survey the middle River that empts itself into said Lake and make out 
the Traverse Table of the Stream or Branch lastly surveyed that empts 
itself into Long Lake. P.] 

[Friday] July 28th. Rainy. This day we received a supply of provisions 
from St. Andrews. [We protracted the three Branches that empts their 
waters into Long Lake. Just at night a part of our men or company 
arived in the Loon Lake with a fresh supply of provisions from St. 
Andrews. We gave the man orders that went down the River after 
provisions to hire Jndians to help him up the River with provision, in 
going down the River the man found the River so very low and found 
that there would be great dificulty gitting up provisions. He hired four 
Indians to help him up the River with provisions, which we think was 
the best steps could be taken. P.] 

[Saturday] July 29th. Rainy. [Employed the forenoon 
letters and settling with the Indians, the afternoon showry. P 

[Monday] July 31st. We commenced the Survey of the middle 
branch! emptying into the Lake. Breadth at the entrance 125 links, 
true channel 65 links, depth 4 feet. W T e surveyed this day about 2>4 
miles, [the first half mile still water then became Rocky and small and 

* Apparently they did not reach the head of this branch, at least not if our modern maps 
are correct in marking there a lake, called Rocky Lake. 

7 In this supposition, Campbell is approximately correct. 

j It is now called Duck Brook. A note in the Field Book seems to apply the name Alstone 
River to this stream, probably a pleasantry for all stone. 


has not the apearence of a Lake on it, although having been informed 
by the [ndians that this was the Largest Stream that empted into the 
Lake and- had a very considerable Lake on it at a great distance from 
the mouth and other small Lakes above that so mutch we have got for 
Indian information. The Land formally Burnt and grown up to small 
Birch and poplar — die soil poor and very Rocky. P.] 

[Tuesday] Augt. ist. We this day surveyed more than four miles, 
which brought us to a Lake* [Rocky Lake. P.j about a mile and a half 
in length, and ' 4 mile in breadth, very rocky. The most part of the 
ground we went over this day was an open clear heath, beyond which 
it w as very stony and rose at some distance to considerable mountains. 
[after running about a mile this. morning the brook became still and from 
2 to 5 Rods wide and continued so to the Lake; on this still water a very 
considerable Heath on both sides of the Brook — the upland formally 
burnt. P. ] 

[Wednesday] Augt. 2d. We this day* surveyed more than two miles, 
which brought us to the spring head. This spring is about 25 links 
diameter, and 6 l / 2 feet deep, and is one of the finest I ever saw. We 
made the same marks here as formerly, and returned to our Tent on the 
Lake Augt. 3d. [The Land bordering upon this Lake poor and rocky 
and has been burnt this season, Excepting a ridge laying N. W. from the 
head of the Lake apears to be good and has escaped the fire. From the 
Inlett to the source, a spruce, Cedar and Larch swamp and on the South- 
erly side Burnt in many plases this season — then return to Rocky 
Lake. P.] 

[Thursday 3d August. Returned to our Tent at Lake Magagauda- 
wagum this day, after undergoing the fatague of travelling down the 
River in the open Heath, where the sun had its full power upon us and 
was almost hot enough to melt men. P.] 

[Friday] Augt. 4th. We commenced the Survey of the most west- 
erly branch falling into the Lake, called the Sekamigosf by the Indians. 
At the entrance it is so concealed by two small grassy Islands that it may 
very easily be passed unobserved. Depth 9 feet, breadth 235 links clear 
channel without anv perceptible current. We surveyed this day upwards 
of three miles thro' a great deal of fine meadow land, and very poor 

* Now called Big Duck Lake. They either missed, or thought unworthy of surveying, a 
branch of this river leading up to another lake, now called Little Lake. 

f In the Field Book also given as Sekamer/os or West River. The termination suggests 
a diminutive, and the remainder of the word resembles Sehogomuck (the Shogomoc with 
which this stream closely heads) closely enough to suggest that Sekamegos may be a shortened 
and corrupted form, meaning "Little Shogomoc." The meaning of that word however (which 
Itself be much corrupted) is uncertain, as indeed is this explanation. The stream is 
DOW railed Cranberry Brook. 


upland, the later as usual covered with enormuous masses of stone. 
[Still water exeept a few small portages which is formed by a mass of 
large stones laying in the River. P.J It was formerly all burnt over, 
and now produces nothing but a small growth of white Birch, Poplar 
and some Spruce, with a mixture of Larch on the borders of the meadows, 
and here and there a young growth of white and yellow Pine. This 
account may describe generally all the burnt Land we have seen. The 
River was this day from 255 to 75 links over, the depth in some places 
8 feet, and in others not as many inches. [The fire has destroyed a great 
quantity of pine Timber, the country apears very flat especially towards 
the Southwest and apears to be Burnt for a great distance. P.] 

[Saturday] Augt. 5th. After going about a mile this day,* we found 
it necessary to leave our Canoes, the Channel, which always correspond- 
ed with the ground on each side, was so rocky and shallow that it became 
impossible to proceed with them any further ; the River was so low that 
we sometimes travelled a mile together in the Channel without wetting 
our feet. We this day Surveyed about three miles, breadth from 75 to 
300 links, [it keeps its width astonishingly .... the River so com- 
pletely paved with stones towards the last part of our days work we 
surveyed in the Channel of the River for some distance with dry feet, 
the water running among the Rocks, which rendered it almost invisible 
in many plases at this season of the year although it apears to rise very 
high in a freshet. P.] 

[Monday] Augt. 7th. Rainy. 

[Tuesday] Augt. 8th. Surveyed near 4^ miles, the first two miles 
was intolerable bad going, the ground altho' generally low was formed 
into a succession of little Rocky emeninences [Rock walls or beds of 
Rocks acrost the River and between these beds of Rocks Still pond holes. 
P.] which became Islands in times of Freshes in the River: this 
with the windfalls, thick underbrush and lcng grass, made our travelling 
this day equal to the w^orst we had yet experienced. The remainder 
was over an open heath [Still w r ater. P.] where we could go with more 
expedition. At the lower end of this Heath the upland leaves the River 
near a half a mile on each side, and thro' the intermediate low ground 
the River runs a winding course, with a gentle current, forming for 
about 2^ miles a beautifull stream, from 6 to 8 Rods over. In this 
distance it receives from the eastward a small Rivulet about 3 rods wide. 
The upland at the further end of the Heath closes. in both sides, and 
causes Falls in the River of about 5 feet, [after passing these Falls the 
River became wide. P.] The breadth of it this day was from 200 to 25 

* In this dista.nce they passed thm portage to the R. Cheputnaticook. The course of this 
portage route, which ran via Duck Lake and the Little Digdeguash Lakes, is described and 
mapped in the Bulletin Xat. History Soc. of X. B., Xo. XXL 1903.. 45. 


links and besides the Falls mentioned above, we saw several more, one 
of them about u feet, the bed of the River being of a very considerable 
ascent, and notwithstanding that we were so far up, it appeared rather 
larger than it was at the mouth. We conjectured that in its course thro' 
low stony ground, where it sometimes spreads without any distinct 
channel, a great deal of the water of this River finds its way into the 
lake under ground; and no doubt a great deal of the water of a broad 
shallow River is lost by exhalation in a hot summer." 

[Wednesday f Augt. 9th. Rainy. Finding that this branch of the 
River was of greater extent than we expected, and our provisions grow- 
iug >hort, we sent four of our people for more to the Lake. 

[Thursday] Augt. 10th. This day they returned with a supply of 

[Friday] Augt. nth. We this day surveyed 3^2 miles, in this dis- 
tance the stream was formed into wide ponds with no perceptible current, 
from 5, to 12 rods over, or into very rapid water, where a man could 
step across it. being always at such places of considerable descent. In 
the course of his day's survey the stream diminished very fast, having 
passed more small branches than we had yet met with in the same dis- 
tance. We tcok notice that all the land over which we travelled this 
day had hitherto escaped the fire, being the first of this description we 
had seen since we left the Lake. It was in some places considerably 
high, growing a mixture of Hemlock, Spruce and White Pine, and be- 
tween two and three miles to the westward we saw some very high 
mountains, like all the rest that we had seen, were covered with hard 

[Saturday] Augt. 12th. We surveyed this day 227 Rods which 
brought us to the head of the Sekamigos. This Stream does not take 
its rise from a spring, like almost all the others that we surveyed, but 
collects from all parts of a Cedar Swamp of some extent, and soon forms 
into a large brook. This Swamp is surrounded every where except at 
the outlet, with considerable high land, to the northward of it there is 
a lanre round hill, covered with a mixture of hard wood and evergreens, 
much higher than the rest.f We left the same monuments here that we 
did at the sources of all the other branches surveyed by us, and Ihen 
proceeded for our Tent on the Lake ; which we did not reach by reason 

* TYptc is another explanation of the large size of this uooer part of this stream, namely, 

th< re i reason to believe that it is part of a larger stream which in preglacial times emptied 

P ' .Mountain via on° of the Trout Brooks into the Magaguadavic. This subject 

ed in the work mentioned in a note under May 31st. 

~ Both surveyors describe this place with some detail, since of course they had in mind 

'hr- fact that if the Magaguadavic were chosen as the St. Croix of the Treaty, this would be 

the source from which the due North line must start. 


of the ruggedness of the way, till late the 14th of Augt., well pleased 
at having returned all safe from so intolerable a place, and with having 
thus far compleated the survey, [the afternoon came on Rain which 
caused very disagreeable travelling among the small Bushes. After 
fatagueing ourselves two or three Hours in travelling in the Rain return- 
ed 4 l /2 miles. 

Sunday 13th August. Rain which prevented our returning to our 
Tent at the Lake. 

Monday 14th August, arived to our Tent after undergoing a great 
fatague in travelling in the Rain a great part of the day. P.] 

Augt. 15th and 16th. These two days were employed in making a 
traverse table of the surveys of the last two branches that we had sur- 
veyed, [and in washing and cleaning our cloaths. P.] 

[ Thursday j Augt. 17th. We returned this day down stream to the 
River Pequesegehawk. The water since we first came into the Lake had 
fallen a foot, and the River was so shallow 7 that we were under the 
necessity of wadeing almost all the way, and even then we had repeatedly 
to dig channels for our boat and canoes to pass in. 

[Friday] Augt. 18th. We commenced the survey of the River 
Pequesegehawk, and measured this day upwards of three miles on the 
Eastern side; the Land is generally high, growing a mixture of ever- 
greens and hard wood, and abundance of fine Pines, [the Land en the 
East Side high for the most part the West side lower. P.] There is 
some Intervale on the River side, but the soil is very shallow. The 
travelling was much better than we had lately been used to, the ground 
being free from those large stone that gave us so much trouble en the 
upper branches of this River. The Stream w r as from two to three Rods 
over, and as far as we went this day, the channel was of a continued 
ascent, having neither ponds nor abrupt rapids, but all the way a quick 

[Saturday] Augt. 19th. We Surveyed this day near three miles, 
breadth from 25, to 90 links, and the current became more gentle [quite 
still in many plases. P] ; — the Land was low on both sides of the River, 
the quantity of Pines growing on it was undiminished. [We passed by 
four considerable streams on the East side of the River which diminished 
the size of the River greatly, the 4th Brook nearly at the completion of 
the day's work which is the most considerable and is said to have two 
considerable Lakes on it.* The Land of an inferior quality on the banks 
of the River, the groath Spruce, Fir, Hemlock, Cedar and considerable 
good pine Timber. P.] 

* It was simply another channel of the main stream, as an entry under Aug. 22nd will 
show : this explains the lakes upon it. The matter is also made clear by the map. 

2) Campbell. W7 

Scale 1 wile 
to 1 inch 



l*% yeWT"' Utiles from fas 
-Zafie to JF Jones's 
Lot in FJi'nce Wm. 


[Monday] Augt. 21st. Rainy. 

[Tuesday J Augt. 22d. This day we surveyed near two miles to the 
outlet of Cranberry Lake, which we called by this name from the great 
quantities of those berries growing round it.* We measured along the 
westerly side of this Lake about two miles to the North end of it, and at 
the same time surveyed the other side by intersections. [At the last end 
of the first course of this day a Fork from North, 3 Rods wide and a 
small quantity of water running in it this stream turning East and the 
one that we "passed by on the last part of our days work of the 19th 
forming into one stream after running a small distance — width of stream 
from 25 to 50 Links and a considerable current; the first x / 2 mile alder 
Meadow, then came to a groath of small Fir, Spruce, Larch and small 
Birch — this was formally burnt and the above mentioned groath the 2d. 
The West side, North and South ends of cranberry Lake low and 
swamp}- and produces a small groath of spruce and Larch. The East 
side of the Lake formally burnt and produces a groath of small white 
Birch, could not ascertain the debth of this Lake for want of a cannoe 
suppose it to be very shallow by reason of Rushes growing in almost all 
parts of it the shores of this Lake very good surveying which enabled 
us to do a great days work. P.] 

[Wednesday] Augt. 23d. W r e continued the Survey from the Inlet 
of cranberry Lake, and in about half a mile came to the outlet of another 
Lake of considerable extent, which we called Bear Lake,f of which we 
finished the admeasurement next day about 10 o'clock. Cranberry Lake 
is about two miles from North to South, and half a mile from East to 
W r est. Bear Lake is about three miles and a half from North to South, 
and one mile and a half from East to West. Both of those Lakes appear 
to be very shallow, except the latter towards the southern end. 

The Land around them to a considerable distance is uncommonly low 
and boggy except to the Southward, where it is elevated into high 
mountains, particularly one, bearing about East, near three miles, called 
by the Indians Goodawampketch mountain. $ The Land to the North- 
ward has all been burnt over to a great distance, and is now grown up 
into a small growth of white birch, Poplar, &c. [At the south part of 

* The name persists, and has become extended to the larger lake also. Curiously enough 
this seems to be the only name given -by Campbell and Peters which has survived. 

t Now called Big Cranberry Lake. 

v In notes in the Field Book this is called Lambton's Mountain. It is now called Bald 
Mountain. In the winter of 1784-85 Lieutenant Lambton made a winter journey from Fred- 
ericton to St. Andrews, and his route is shown on Sproule's map of S. W. New Brunswick of 
1786 (published in Trans. Royal Soc. Canada, VII, 1901, ii, 412), and in much greater 
detail in a map apparently made by himself and now in the Auditor General's vault at Fred- 
ericton. He calls this mountain Goodaicamscook, which he gives also as the name of 
Gardens Creek, at whose source it lies. 


this Lake is a high round Hill* at a point marked Letter D., this moun- 
tain at the side of the Lake and apears to forme an angle of 45 Eleva- 
tion. There apears to be a Chain of Mountains to the West of this, 
which continues by the south end of Cranberry Lake, round these 
mountains apears to be good Land, the groath Hardwood — the shores of 
this Lake as good surveying as we ever saw on a Lake of this size, which 
enabled us to go on with great speed. P.] 

Augt 24th. Finding no stream or brook worth noticing to come into 
Bear Lake we here finished the Survey, and then shaped our course for 
our Tent on the Magagawdavic.f [Then shape our course from the 
S. E. part of this Lake to the mouth of the River Pequesegehawk and 
rind it to be nearly S. W. which course we stear to the mouth of the 
River and travelled over land of the first quality for the most part of 
the way. P.] 

There are two other Branches of this River further down stream on 
the Eastern side, that are of some note, but as they take their rise chiefly 
fr< m the Southward, and are of no considerable extent, we have omitted 
them, believing that we have thereby acted consonant to the spirit of our 
Instruetions.l [by Indian accounts they head Southerly and our crossing 
from this River to the Oromucto Lake leads us to believe it true. P.] 

[Friday]. Augt. 25th. This day was employed in making a Traverse 
table of the Survey of the River Pequesegehawk, and in making sheath- 
ing for our boat and canoes, the River having become so shallow that 
it would have been impossible for us to return without this precaution. 

Augt. 26th. Having now compleated the Survey of all the upper 
branches of the River Magagawdavic, the time arrived at last, for us to 
take our leave of those woods, which we certainly did without any regret, 
believing that it is but seldom any party on a similar occasion has under- 
gone greater fatigue. 

"When we undertook this survey we well knew that it would neces- 
sarily be attended with a great deal of toil, and altho' in this respect it 
has far exceeded our expectations, if we are so happy as to merit the 
approbation of the Agents of His Brittanic Majesty and the United 
States of America, under whose instructions we acted, we shall think 

* Now railed Cherry Hill, at Harvey. Its summit is bare and commands a very wide 
and attractive view. The chain running west is the range of the Harvey Hills, a marked 
feature in the topography of this region. It was over these hills they travelled on the way 
to the mouth of the Pequesegehawk. 

f The map shows a " Portage supposed to go to a branch of the R. Pekuyaut." There 
is other evidence a,s to this portage, which shows that it ran to Lake George. (See Trans. 
Royal Soc. Canada, V, 1899, ii, 242; and especially XII, 1906, ii, 88). 

of these was of course the Testuguack (Kedron Brook) and the other must have 
been Coodemusquecat (Pratt's Brook), for the Peskeehegan was being surveyed by Mr. 
Titcomb. Peters' reference to crossing to Oromocto Lake of course means that they thus 
found that none of these streams could head farther north than the Oromocto.. and hence 
could not head farther north than those already surveyed. 


our pains well bestowed; and we have now, with a well founded confi- 
dence to saw that we have faithfully performed a compleat Survey of 
the River Magagawdavic and its principal Source. 

D. Campbell. 
[Having finished the survey of the River Magagaudavic and its 
principal Branches near the head, and we are now going to take our 
leave of the Woods which we shall all do with Chearfullness, — we can 
say that all of our men that has been imployed in this service has dis- 
charged the duty incumbent upon them without murmer or complaint 
but with chearfullness. That is for our own parts when we entered 
upon this business we expected it a fatagueing business but having found 
the fatagues greater than we expected at times notwithstanding the 
fatagues and care in this service, provided our conduct in this business 
merrits the approbation of the Agents of the two Governments we shall 
esteem it as great satisfaction — and we have with a well founded con- 
fidence to say that we have now faithfully performed and completed the 
survey of the principal source of the River Magagaudavic. 

Saturday 26th August. This morning set out on our Journey for 
St. Andrews; arived at this place August 31st, detained one day on 
account of Rain, the River being considerably lower than it was when 
we came up which caused great difficulty in coming down the River in 
many plases. We shall remain in St. Andrews untill we compaire every- 
thing for forming a complete map after we returne to our respective 
plases of abode. Having compaired and regulated every thing for 
forming a complete map after we return to our respective plases of abode 
by the 18th Sept. 19th Inst rain. 20th Went to Magagaudavic River 
to take the Bearing of Island and Mountain.] 

John Peters Junior. 
D. Campbell. 
[On the 21st Sept. set out for Blue Hill at 12 O'clock, arived at Blue 
Hill 27th Sept. Settled with and dismissed my men on the 28th Sept. 
On the 3rd Oct. commenced the copying of my Field Book and lournal 
of the Survey of the River Magagaudavic in order to send to George 
Sproule Esqr, as I was directed by the Agents of the two governments 

On the 9th December completed the Copying my plans. Field Book 
and Journal of the survey of the River Magagaudavic. On the nth 
Inst, set out for St. Andrews in order to deliver the Copvs of my field 
Book, Maps and Journal of the survey of the River Magagaudavic, to 
Robert Pagan Esqr, the Gentleman apointed by George Sproule Esqr. 
to Receive from me the above mentioned paper." On the 18th December 
arrived at St. Andrews. On the 20th delivered the plan, field Book and 
Journal of the River Magagaudavic to Robert Pagan Esqr. 
A true Copy attest 

John Peters Junior.] 



By W. O. Raymond, LL. D. ' 

(Read March 18th, 1909.)- 

Convinced, as he was, of the correctness of his political 
principles, sanguine by nature, and hopeful to the last that the 
rebellion in America would be suppressed and the integrity of 
the empire maintained, Benjamin Marston, at the close of the 
year 1782, reluctantly came to the conclusion that his expecta- 
tions were doomed to disappointment. His fortunes were at a 
very low ebb. He writes in his journal: 

"No business offers, nor do I know where to look for any. 
Go ? — I can't stir from this place, I have not the means of trans- 
porting myself a single day's journey. Heaven knows what is 
to become of me. However, I have one thing to thank Heaven 
for, my hopes do not fail me. * * * My friends or enemies — 
if I have any — shall never have it to say that I am indolent and 
won't take business when 'tis offered." 

Marston was then living at a well-known Halifax tavern, or 
inn, of which one William Sutherland was the landlord. The 
society of the inn was not conducive to his tranquility of mind. 
He notes, with evident relief, that when the ships of war, 
" Caton " and " Pallas," sailed for England on the 25th of 
January, they took among their passengers several officers of 
certain independent military companies that had come to Halifax 
the previous summer. The companies were composed, for the 
most part, of Loyalists, under the command of Lieut. -Colonel 
Timothy Hierlihy, but this fact did not save the officers from 
Marston's animadversion: 



" Such another set of riotous vagabonds never were. They 
made my Landlord Sutherland's their headquarters — now they 
are gone we have some peace." 

Marston mentions in his journal that Sir Andrew Snape 
Hamond and family were among the passengers who sailed for 
England in the " Caton." Sir Andrew left Halifax in a very 
unenviable frame of mind, owing to his chagrin at not succeed- 
ing to the governorship of Nova Scotia as he had anticipated. * 

The year that was to witness the great Loyalist immigration 
to our shores was ushered in at Halifax with much cold weather, 
which continued with such intensity that on the 1 6th of February 
Marston writes in his diary : 

" These .4 or 5 days past the harbour has been entirely choked 
up with ice and quite off to sea as far as ye eye could reach. 
People passed freely back and forth to Dartmouth. Since yester- 
day the mouth of the harbour has cleared along the western 
shore so that a brig got in with some difficulty." 

Xot until the expiration of four days was he able to write : 

" This day the harbour cleared of ice — the wind northerly, 

With the opening of spring, preparations began to be made 
for the reception of the Loyalists, who were about to seek an 
asylum in Nova Scotia, and Marston, after a silence of two 
months, commences on April 21st, 1783, one of the most import- 
ant parts of his journal, namely, that in which he describes in 
detail the founding of Shelburne. -j- The first entry in this 
connection is : 

" Monday, April 21st. This day Charles Morris, Esq., 

* See Murdoch's History of Nova Scotia, Vol. iii., p. . 6. The lamentable 
experience of Lieut. -Governor Hamond and family in their trans-Atlantic voyage 
is also related by Murdoch, Vol. iii., p. 12. 

■J- We have no evidence that Ben. Marston was ever employed as a land 
surveyor until he acted as such in the laying out of Shelburne. Nor does it 
appear that he studied navigation sufficiently to obtain a master's certificate, 
although he sailed many times as master of a vessel during the Revolutionary 
war. In all probability he acquired at Harvard a knowledge of the principles of 
surveying and navigation, which, with some practical experience, enabled him 
efficiently to discharge the duties of these professions, for which he evidently 
had a natural aptitude. Hon. Charles Morris was at this time Surveyor-general 
of Nova Scotia, and Marston was engaged by him as a deputy surveyor. 


engaged me to go to Port Roseway to assist in laying out a new 

Township there." 

The same day Governor Parr approved of the plan of the 
town to be laid out at Port Roseway. The streets were to be 
fifty feet wide and laid out at right angles. 

An association was formed in New York in the autumn of 

32 for establishing a settlement of the Loyalists at Port Rose- 
wax. The association comprised 120 heads of families at first, 
and the number was soon largely augmented. At a meeting 
heal on the nth November, Joseph Durfee, James Dole, Peter 
Lynch, Thomas Courtney, William Hill, Joseph Pynchon and 
Joshua Pell were appointed a committee to make arrangements 
for the removal of the company to Port Roseway as early as 
possible in the following spring. 

The following extract of a letter written at New York, April 
15th, 1783, by the committee to Sir Andrew Snape Hamond is 
of interest in this connection : 

" Our agents at Halifax have acquainted us how much you 
were pleased to interest yourself in our concerns, and how favor- 
able your representations in our behalf were to the Secretary of 
State upon your arrival in England; and the manner in which 
you recommended us to the Governor of Nova Scotia has had 
visible marks of its efficiency, and we are convinced that through 
your interposition much good will arise from his attachment 
to us. These, sir, are matters which we hope will ever have their 
due effect upon the Association in general, and make the name 
of Hamond dear to every individual. 

" Since your departure from this continent our numbers are 
increased to upwards of 400 families, among which are some very 
respectable persons, who, we trust, will add dignity to our settle- 
ment. Our application to His Excellency Sir Guy Carleton 
has been duly attended to. He was pleased to promise us, every 
assistance in his power. We were in hopes he would have 
granted us some necessary articles for building our houses, 
farming utensils, &c. But we were told nothing more could be 
granted than six months' Provisions, and proper Transports 
would be ready to convey us to Port Roseway by the 15th day 
of April. It is needless for us to attempt to describe our feel- 
ings, nor how much we shall be at a loss for utensils and neces- 
saries for building houses, &c, and what difficulties must attend 
emigrants in our situation. Your knowledge of the climate will 


naturally suggest what our sufferings must be and how much 
embarrassed, without great exertions on our part, to procure 
some covering from the inclemency of the approaching winter." 

The letter was signed by Joseph Durfee, James Dole and 
Thomas Courtney on behalf of the association. 

The Loyalist immigration to Shelburne was one of the most 
notable incidents in connection with the early history of Nova 
Scotia. For a brief period Shelburne was not only the largest 
town in British North America, but was only exceeded in popula- 
tion by three cities in the United States, viz., Philadelphia, New 
York and Boston. Within a year of its founding it equalled in 
size Montreal, Quebec and Three Rivers combined, and was 
considerably larger than the united cities of Halifax, St. John 
and Charlottetown. Indeed, the propriety of removing the seat 
of Government from Halifax to Shelburne was at one time 
seriously contemplated by Governor Parr. It is no reproach to 
modern Shelburne that it has not sustained the expectations of 
its founders. The Shelburne of to-day, moreover, is not a ruin 
and a desolation, as many people are wont to imagine ; on the 
contrary, it is a bright, fresh-looking place, with neat houses, 
and all the signs of comfort. If it is not the town it bid fair 
to be in its early days, it is not losing ground now. There still 
remain vestiges of the ancient Shelburne. To quote the words 
of a recent visitor :* 

" Up on the slopes behind modern Shelburne, one sees streets 
and traces of streets with acres and acres of land laid out in 
squares. There are signs of old foundations of houses and 
reminiscences of cellars. The boom period of Shelburne was 
in the eighties of the eighteenth century, and the boomers were 
the Loyalists. They came from New York with a desire to 
make a second New York of this Atlantic coast city. All pro- 
fessions were represented. Here, over these old cellars, resided 
for a time jurists and bakers, wine merchants, wig makers, 
dealers in snuff and dealers in hair powder, gun-smiths, silver- 
smiths, carvers and all other functionaries of a proud city of 
a hundred years ago. Along these grass and tree-covered spaces, 
which were laid out for streets, once strode martial figures 
familiar to many a battle-field, and grave dignitaries with the 

S. D. Scott in the St. John, N. B., Daily Sun. 


wigs and cloaks of their time. Over these rocks tripped gay 
ladies in silk attire and merry maidens in homespun. Here in 
some log hut, whose interior furnishing and embellishments 
contrasted strangely with its external appearance, stately dames 
were escorted to dinner by stately men, and the great-grand- 
mothers of the present generation trod the minuet." 

This extract undoubtedly embodies the popular idea of 
ancient Shelburne. It seems a pity in any way to disabuse the 
public mind of the conception that only the picturesque and the 
heroic are associated with the founders of Shelburne. 

Probably no more admirable bit of work has been accom- 
plished, in connection with the local history of the eastern pro- 
vinces, than that of the late Rev. T. Watson Smith, D. D., in 
his paper on " The Loyalists at Shelburne," read before the 
v Nova Scotia Historical Society, April ioth, 1888, and printed in 
the Society's collections the same year. Dr. Smith describes 
Shelburne as " a town where an immense mixed multitude, 
recently exposed to all the unhallowing and unsettling influences 
of a long civil war had been suddenly collected." The accuracy 
of this statement is more than sustained by the journal of Ben- 
jamin Marston. Undoubtedly there were good and worthy 
people among the early settlers of Shelburne, and some of them 
were destined to leave their impress upon the pages of our pro- 
vincial history. Nevertheless, there was an element of which 
the Loyalists had little reason to be proud. 

In his paper on the " Loyalists at Shelburne," Dr. Smith 
gives us much information respecting the events connected 
with the founding of that remarkable community,* to which the 
reader is referred, and which need not be repeated here. It will 
be found that Marston s journal and letters contain information 
of a supplementary character worthy of preservation. More 
than this, it is but fair that Marston should be allowed to tell 
his story, in view of the strictures passed upon his conduct as 
chief surveyor at Shelburne by Governor Parr in his correspond- 
ence with the British government, a summary of which has been 

* See pp. 54-57, Vol. VI of the Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical 


recently printed in the Canadian archives. The fair-minded 
reader of Marston's diary can hardly come to any other con- 
clusion than that the Governor's judgment was hasty, and based 
on ex parte statements, which were not warranted by the real 
facts of the case. Marston doubtless made mistakes, for his 
judgment was not infallible. He may have been wanting in tact, 
and he may have been less conciliatory in his treatment of the 
lower orders than he ought to have been, particularly when the«ir 
conduct appeared to him unreasonable, but that he deliberately 
acted in a spirit of unfairness, or that he reaped any personal 
advantage from the management of the concerns entrusted to 
him — as his enemies charged, and as Governor Parr seems to 
have believed — is extremely improbable. Self-seeking is scarcely 
ever portrayed in his character as we see it in his letters and 
journal. From the day that he risked and lost his all, by affirm- 
ing his unalterable allegiance to his Sovereign, he was conspicu- 
ous for public spirit and disinterested conduct. Even the un- 
happy issue of the war that involved him in financial ruin, 
provoked him in no bitter comment. He writes at Halifax, 
under date February 24th, 1 783 : 

" A few days ago a vessel from Antigua brought the King's 
speech, from which and some other intelligence there is good 
reason to suppose that ere this a peace is concluded. This 
causes great dejection among the people here, civil as well as 
military, the former expecting a great diminution in their profits 
by business, the latter many of them to be faced to the right 
about. So little are most people actuated by a public spirit and 
love of their country that, provided they can thrive themselves, 
their country, poor thing, may go to wreck uncared for, un- 
thought of." 

We shall now take up Marston's story of the founding of 

On Monday, April 28th, 1783, one week after his engage- 
ment by Hon. Charles Morris, he embarked on board a yacht, 
in company with William Morris, to proceed to Port Roseway. 
The next day they called at Lunenburg for a set of surveying 
instruments and dined on shore with Captain Robert Bethel, 
who was stationed there with a detachment of the King's Orange 


Rangers.* On Friday, May 2nd, they arrived at their destina- 
tion, and anchored in a snug cove at the head of the eastern 
branch of the harbour. The day following was spent in explor- 
ing the country, and Marston says they found the soil to be 
much better than they had been led to suppose. The country 
was yet in a wilderness condition, and in one of their rambles 
lie and Morris encountered an immense she bear, which went 
off into the woods. The waters evidently teemed with fish, for 
the pilot wounded a fine large salmon with his musket, and 
afterwards caught him with his hands. They had not long to 
wait for the arrival of the ships from New York. 

It seems best at this stage to let Marston's journal speak for 
itself concerning the events of the next twelve months, with the 
addition only of snch comments as may be necessary to elucidate 
his narrative. Naturally our quotation from the journal will 
begin with the arrival of the Loyalists at Port Roseway. 

" Port Rosa way. 

" Sunday, May 4, [1783]. Ashore in the morning. About 
4 o'clock p. m. some of the fleet from New York hove in -sight. 
"Weather fair, wind north westerly, fresh." 

" Monday, 5. Last night the fleet got in below, upwards of 
thirty sail in all, in which there are three thousand souls (as an 
agent tells me). They all came up into the North East Harbour. 
Set up our Marquee on shore. At night we came up to our old 
anchoring place at the cove, having been down to the Fleet. 
Wind westerly, moderate, weather fair." 

" Tuesday, 6. Aboard all day. Mr. Pynchomf and Morris 
absent all day advising about fixing the place for the town. 
Weather fair, wind easterly and southerly." 

* The " King's Orange Rangers " were raised by Lieut.-Colonel John Bayard 
in Orange County,, New York. They were sent to Nova Scotia in 1778 for the 
protection of the province. 

•f Joseph Pynchon was one of a committee of seven selected by the organiza- 
tion of Loyalists at New York, who, in the autumn of 1782, undertook a 
settlement at Port Roseway. Pynchon and James Dole came to Halifax to 
arrange with the government as to the location of the settlement. It was largely 
through Pynchon that choice was made of Port Roseway. Pynchon only stayed 18 
months at Shelburne, and by his withdrawal escaped the bitter reproaches of 
many dissatisfied people. 


" Wednesday, 7. After exploring both sides of the bay, the 
N. E. harbour is judged to be the most convenient situation for 
a town, and 'tis accordingly determined to fix it there. Weather 
fair, wind south easterly." 

" Thursday, 8. The multitude object to the place which the 
Captains and Chief men have chosen for the situation of their 
town because, say they, 'tis a rough uneven piece of land — so 
they propose to mend the matter by choosing three men from 
every company to do the matter over again. That is to commit 
to a mere mob of sixty what a few judicious men found -very 
difficult to transact with a lesser mob of twenty, so this day has 
been spent in much controversial nonsense. This cursed 
republican, town-meeting spirit has been the ruin of us already, 
and unless checked by some stricter form of government will 
overset the prospect which now presents itself of retrieving our 
affairs. Mankind are often slaves, and oftentimes they have 
too much liberty. Today surveyed the shore on the Eastern 
side of the N. E. harbour, where it was determined to fix £he 
town. Fair weather, wind easterly." 

" Friday, 9. According to the determination of Thursday, 
laid out the centre street of the new town, and the people began 
very cheerfully to cut down the trees — a new employment to 
many of them. Weather fair, wind easterly." 

" Saturday, 10. Ran the water street line and of four blocks, 
two on each side of the centre street.* People at work as yester- 
day. Weather foggy and at times drizzly, wind south easterly." 

"Sunday, 11. Begins with plenty of rain, wind south west- 
erly. Last night lodged in our tent for the first time ;f dined 
aboard the yacht. Weather foggy with frequent showers at 

" Monday, 12. Ashore at about five in the morning. Spent 
the day in running the lines of the streets. The yacht sailed 
for Halifax this morning. A Mr. Mason died today after an 
illness of three days only. Weather fair, wind south westerly." 

* The accompanying plan will enable the reader to understand many of 
Marston's references, both here and elsewhere. Centre Street is marked King 
Street in the plan. 

+ The tent in which Marston ate and slept was pitched on the island directly 
in front of the town, where also Commissary Brinley had his store houses. 
Marston had, besides his tent, a marquee, which was pitched on the shore in front 
of the town, but afterwards removed to the island. His headquarters being on 
the island explains the frequent use of the word " ashore " in the pages of his 



" Tuesday, 13. Running the lines for streets the best part 
of the day. This evening came in one of our fishing sloops 
with 800 cod fish, which 5 men caught — they were out only 24 
hours. \\ eather fair and fine, wind westerly." 

" Wednesday, 14. Ran one line to-day. People turning 
very indolent, some parties not at work till 11 o'clock. Many 
of the people who came in this fleet are of the lower class of 
great towns. During the war such employments as would not' 
cost them much labour afforded them a plentiful support. This 
has made thorn impatient of labour. They begin to be clamor- 
ous, and to have a thousand groundless rumors circulating among 
them to the prejudice of those to whom they ought to submit. 
Dined today with Lieutenant Lawson the Engineer. There 
were with us the Commissary (a Mr. Brinley) and a Mr. Miller, 
the Secretary of the Association.* Weather fair, wind south- 
western. " 

Tract lair/ out en 
sotfere. t'oh fronting 
-. Reuer 

Bow Wood 

Governor Parr's 

"Thursday, 15. At home most part of the day. Weather 
cloudy and misty till near sun down; it then cleared up very 
fine. Wind north-easterly and fresh till sunset, then fell calm." 

" Friday, 16. This day began to mark out some blocks into 
house lots. People inclining to be mutinous. They suspect 
their leaders to have private views, and not without some reason ; 
in fact the Captains — at least most of them — are a set of fellows 

* For interesting particulars regarding the Shelburne Loyalist Association, 
see Dr. Smith's paper, Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections, Vol. VI., 
pp. 54-55. The Secretary of the Association was John Miller. 


whom mere accident has placed in their present situations ; much 
less worthy of it than many they command. Real authority can 
never be supported without some degree of real superiority. 
Weather fair, wind westerly." 

" Saturday, 17. Arrived a vessel from New York, also one 
from Halifax, in which came Mr. Stephen Binney, a deputy 
collector and impost officer. There has been a meeting of the 
people to-day ; they have voted to seize all the boards, which 
some private saw pits have sawed and convert them to the public 
use. The people readily submit to Mr. Binney's authority, both 
as custom house and impost and excise officer. Weather rainy, 
wind easterly." 

" Sunday, 18. Mr. Morris gone to Green's Harbour across 
the country. Mr. Binney has put up his bed in our tent. Very 
much distressed all the morning to find a barber to shave him. 
At last he found one. The fellow was clumsy and cut him pretty 
much ; he was all the rest of the day at times examining the 
wounds. He won't live long with us — our fare is too hard, our 
apparatus too indelicate and coarse. Wind southerly, fair and 
pleasant. Very foggy below, but does not reach the head of the 

" Monday, 19. On shore marking off house lots and rectify- 
ing the Engineer's mistakes — misty and rainy all day, wind 
southerly and south westerly." 

" Tuesday, 20. In tent today, not well. Mr. Binney was 
sent here to pick a little money out of the people's pockets under 
pretence of entering their vessels, but they have got to windward 
of him. Their vessels are all transports.* 'Tis a low pitiful 
affair in the Collector [at Halifax] to send a deputy for no 
other purpose but to collect fees and return to Halifax again, 
for it seems the deputy was not to have remained here. Another 
body meeting today. I don't learn the purpose of it. This 
settlement must get into other kind of hands before it will 
flourish. Weather fair, wind west, fresh." 

" Wednesday, 21. All day ashore marking out house lots. 
Several people from Cape Perceu,t originally from Marblehead, 
are an invaluable acquisition to this place. They are wanting 
to be admitted as settlers, and yet their value don't seem to be 
recognized. The Association from New York are a curious set, 
they take uoon them to determine who are the proper subjects 

* Transports employed by the British Government evidently were exempt 
from the fees demanded of merchant vessels. 
j Near Yarmouth, Nova Scotia. 


oi the King's grant. They have chosen a committee of 1 6 who 
point out who are to be admitted to draw for lots. They, say 
only 441. Weather fair and fine, wind north westerly/' 

"Saturday, 24. Thursday last the people drew for their 
town lots. By indulging their cursed republican principles they 
committed an irregularity which cost them another day's work. 
Yesterday 1 was ashore all day apportioning" people to their lots 
— 'tis a task trying to humanity, for while those engaged in 
settling them are justly exasperated at the insolence and im- 
pertinence of one sort of people, they can't help they must feel 
for the distress of the sensible feeling part, who have come from 
easy situations to encounter all the hardships of a new plantation 
and who wish to submit cheerfully to the dispensations of 
Providence. Ashore again all today appointing people to their 
lots. Some grumble, some are pleased. They are upon the 
whole a collection of characters very unfit for the business they 
have undertaken. Barbers, Taylors, Shoemakers and all kinds 
of mechanics, bred and used to live in great towns, they are 
inured to habits very unfit for undertakings which require hardi- 
ness, resolution, industry and patience. Nothing so easy as to 
bear hardships in a good house by a good fireside, with good 
clothes, provisions, &c, &c. Seneca, with some thousands per 
annum, wrote very learnedly in praise of poverty. Master 
Stephen Binney thinks with a good house he could be very well 
content to stay here a little while and endure hardships.'' 

"Sunday, 25. Locating people the forepart of the day; 
afternoon at home. Weather very fine and pleasant." 

" Monday, 26. All the morning locating as usual. About 
noon there broke out a most furious fire among the dry stuff in 
the streets suspected by some to have been kindled on purpose. 
This is not improbable, tho' the ignorance, stupidity and care- 
lessness of the bulk of the collection here is sufficient to produce 
any such disastrous event. It has ended with fewer serious 
consequences than might have been expected. One or two 
families have lost their all. Some others have met with con- 
siderable losses. There is now such a damn'd noise with sing- 
ing in our tent 'tis impossible to recollect any other circumstance. 
Weather very fine, wind westerly." 

' Tuesday, 27. Ashore fixing people on their lands. Yester- 
day's fire out. People began to be sensible that they have acted 
very foolishly in more things than setting woods on fire in a 
high dry windy day. Things will come right by and by." 

" Thursday, 29. Yesterday at Town all day fixing people 
upon their lots. Many are pleased. The idea of owning land 


is some how or other exceedingly agreeable to the human mind. 
Some whose lots have fallen to them in not so pleasant places 
arc much out of temper, and some designing ones, who have 
missed the advantageous situations, are likewise dissatisfied. 
Came home late in the afternoon smutty and fatigued." 

" Employed again today laying out lots for new comers. The 
same occurrences daily present themselves in this business. 
Weather continues very fine, a very favourable circumstance to 
people who are as yet but slightly sheltered from its incon- 

Thus far Marston's journal has been quoted in "full, even to 
the weather observations. These are not unimportant as show- 
ing that the Loyalists were singularly favored by the season. 
Rain fell on only three days in May, subsequent to their arrival 
on the fourth ofi the month. 

In estimating the importance of Marston's diary, from the 
historic point of view, one circumstance should be particularly 
borne in mind, namely, that it was not written for the public eye. 
Although the entries are very creditable, even to a graduate of 
Harvard, both as regards penmanship and style of composition, 
it is easy to see that the journal was written at odd moments, 
amidst many distractions and discomforts, sometimes on ship- 
board, sometimes in an over-crowded tent with conversation and 
singing in full blast, sometimes with cold fingers and ink that 
had been frozen. The journal does not pretend to represent 
his mature judgment, either of men or events, but expresses his 
views at the time of writing, his opinions not infrequently being 
modified by later developments. His diary was the only con- 
fidant he had in a delicate and trying situation, and it may have 
been a relief to his feelings to express them freely in its pages. 

During May and the earlier part of June William Morris had 
general direction of the surveying operations at Port Roseway, 
but afterwards, in consequence of his having to make frequent 
trips to other places, the control of the survey at Shelburne was 
entrusted to Marston, with Messrs. Mason, Lyman and Tully as 

At this time Marston stood well in the estimation of Governor 
Parr. This was due, in some measure, to the good offices of 
his relative, Lieut. -Col. Edward Winslow, who had latelv been 


sent to Nova Scotia by Sir Guy Carleton to assist in preparing 
for the reception and settlement of the Loyalists. Winslow 
wrote to Marston from Halifax, May 30th, that Governor Parr 
was particularly anxious to do everything in his power for the 
settlers at Tort Roseway, and regretted that there was not a 
sufficient proportion of men of education and abilities among 
those who had lately arrived to insure the carrying on of 
the settlement in a perfectly satisfactory manner. Governor 
Parr consulted Winslow on the general subject of the settle- 
ment of the Loyalists in Nova Scotia, and asked him to recom- 
mend some one at Port Roseway, whom he might be able to rely 
on, to communicate from time to time all matters of importance. 
Winslow at once recommended Benjamin Marston, whom he 
describes as : 

" A gentleman of liberal education, formerly an eminent 
merchant at Marblehead, in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, 
and employed in various public offices there ; distinguished as a 
magistrate for his zealous and spirited exertions, and one who 
has always supported the character of a man of integrity." 

Winslow evidently feared that his friend and relative, being 
a plain, blunt man, might not be sufficiently circumspect in the 
observance of all those little courtesies which were dear to the 
heart of a Royal Governor of the olden time. He therefore 
wrote : 

" Now, my dear friend, I know you hate all mere matters of 
ceremony, so do I ; but 'tis my maxim that when I can serve my 
country or my friends to make little sacrifices of my own feel- 
ings. When the Governor arrives, wait on him, offer your 
services, tell him everything which 'tis necessary for him to 
know, ask anything for yourself that you may want, &c, &c, &c. 
He is certainly a most frank, honest, worthy man. Pardon me 
Marston for presuming to dictate in any instance to you. In 
this haste I can't say enough. The Governor will tell you what 
our plan of operations is."* 

* Winslow writes Ward Chipman, July 7, 1783: — "I have effected some 

for meritorious characters, which has afforded me vast pleasure. Our 

old friend Marston has felt the benefit of a pointed application to the Governor. 

He i- appointed a Chief Magistrate or a kind of Governor General at Port 

mv, and is a confidential man with Governor Parr." 


Governor Parr intended to visit Port Roseway at this time, 
but, for some reason, his visit was postponed until a little later. 

Lieutenant Lawson was in charge of the engineers' depart- 
ment at Port Roseway, having been sent from New York by Sir 
Guy Carleton with detailed instructions respecting arrangements 
to be made for the settlement and protection of the Loyalists. 
These instructions have never appeared in print, and are of 
sufficient importance to be quoted in full : 

" Instructions to Lieut. Lawson, Engineer going to Port 
Roseway in Nova Scotia. 

" New York, 19th April, 1783. 

" Upon your arrival you will in conjunction with the com- 
manding officer of the troops, the superior officer of the navy 
and such persons as you may find authorized by the Governor 
of the Province, carefully examine the harbour with a view to 
find a proper place to land the troops, provisions, ordnance and 
all the King's stores, and to establish a military post which may 
afford a protection to shipping and be capable of defence to- 
wards the sea as well as by land, having in contemplation a 
town, wharfs, barracks and other Publick buildings necessary 
to a great and permanent establishment, for all of which pur- 
poses ample reservations of lands should be made, and the 
Refugee Settlers shewn the spot intended for the town, upon 
which only they should be allowed to build, agreeably to a plan 
laid out for them. 

" When the several situations shall have been made choice 
of for these purposes, the troops should be encamped or enhutted 
upon the spot most advisable for the situation of barracks, and 
upon such a plan as may be hereafter extended and improved. 

"Covering the provisions and the perishable part of ordnance 
stores should be done as soon as possible, in the best manner 
the means and materials which can be provided will admit of. 
The heavy cannon should be planted so as to give immediate 
protection to the vessels, and the field pieces should go with 
the troops. The neighbouring and surrounding country should 
be carefully explored and cleared for the materials which may 
be first wanted. 

"To enable you to carry on this service are sent Ensign 
Lambton of the 33d Regiment as your assistant engineer, one 
foreman and eleven carpenters, one mason and one smith, with 
an assortment of artificer's tools and intrenching tools, a return 


oi which you will be furnished with. There are also sent a 
sergeant, corporal and sixteen of the Black Pioneers, who, as 
well as the artificers, are put under your command to be employ- 
ed as you may see proper, but in His Majesty's service only. 

You arc likewise furnished with a whale boat, gun boat, 
and a sailing boat, with tackle, rigging, oars, &c, compleat, for 
the use of the post, which together with the articles specified in 
the returns given to you, you are hereby made answerable for. 
The foreman is to keep a regular check in a book of all the 
artificers, which at the end of every week is to be signed by the 
Assistant Engineer and examined by you, and from this weekly 
cheek an account is to be made out at the end of every month, 
agreeably to a form given to you, certified by the Assistant 
Engineer and yourself, and then transmitted to the Commanding 
Engineer at Halifax to provide payment, should no person be 
appointed for that purpose at your post. 

*' In case of lumber or any other materials which may be 
wanted to carry on the works being offered for sale, you will 
apply by letter to the Commissary upon the spot to purchase 
them, giving him all information and assistance in putting a fair 
and just value upon the same; and you are not to incur any 
expence, but for the purpose before mentioned of covering the 
provisions and ordnance stores, without further orders from the 
Commander in Chief, the General Officer commanding in t|he 
District, or the Chief Engineer. 

" You wiil report to me from time to time your progress, 
and acquaint me with every circumstance which may require 
further instructions. 

" Robert Morse, Chief Engineer. 

" Approved by the Commander in Chief. 

" Oliver DeLancey, Adj't. General." 

The following extract from Marston's journal will show the 
progress of affairs at Port Roseway during the summer of 1783 : 

*' Sunday, June 1. For two days past I have been engaged 
from early to late fixing people on their lots. Have seen several 
Marblehead* men in here. Poor fellows, neither they nor their 
vessels look as they used to." 

" Monday, 2. At home all day writing. The Boat for Hali- 
fax sailed this morning. Fog came in about an hour before 
sunset. Wind all day westerly." 

* Marston was himself a resident of Marblehead when the Revolution began. 


"Tuesday, 3. Today ashore in town'; fixed the corners 
of a few blocks. Poor Master Stephen [Binney] had some 
unlucky tricks played on him, rather too illiberal, as he. is our 

" Wednesday, 4. No business today — 'tis the King's Birth- 
day ; but any dissipation, any neglect of business ought not to 
be in ye least countenanced at present in this place. Ships sailed 
for New York this morning. Towards evening some fine show- 
ers which have come very opportunely to prevent the ill effects 
of a nonsensical feu de joie, which was performed just at dark, 
and would have fired the streets in an hundred places but for 
the rain. A Ball tonight — all our Tent over to it but myself, 
and I am very happy to be absent." 

*' Sunday, 8. Since the King's Birthday very little done. 
It took all the next day to get rid of the previous day's and 
night's excess. These poor people are like sheep without a 
shepherd. They have no men of abilities among them. Their 
Captains, chosen out of their body at New York, are of the same 
class with themselves — most of them mechanics, some few have 
been shipmasters, they are the best men they have. Sir Guy 
Carleton did not reflect that putting 16 illiterate men into com- 
mission, without subjecting them to one common head, was at 
best but contracting the mob. But perhaps he could do no 
better. He might not find among them a fit person to whom 
to entrust the supreme command. Upon the whole, considering 
who and what they are and the confused way they are huddled 
together, it is much in their favour that we have had no great 
enormities committed among us. Friday night and last night 
great rain fell."* 

" Monday, 9. Today lay'd out a half block for a few elect 
ones. Company to dine with us. Too much dissipation. Sir 
Guy's commissions have made many men here gentlemen, and 

* It was on this day, Friday, June 6th, that Rev. Wm. Black, Methodist 
preacher, arrived at Shelburne — his first visit. He says, " Our hearts were 
gladdened by the sight of some of our friends from [New] York, just set down 
in the midst of these barren woods, with not a single house in the town. It 
rained profusely all night. Brother Barry, in whose tent I stopped, sat up all 
night, and insisted that I should lie down." On the Sunday that followed, Mr. 
Black says, " We put up notices on some of the tents, announcing preaching 
for eleven o'clock, three in the afternoon and six in the evening. On Monday I 
preached again." In doing so he met with opposition. He speaKs of tTiree 
individuals, one in the garb of a gentleman, who came at him " like the mad 
bulls of Bashan," their mouths full of blasphemy and awful imprecations. 
The people, however, protected him. During the service a stone was thrown at 
him with much violence by a man from the skirts of the congregation. 


of course their wives and daughters ladies, whom neither nature 
nor education intended for that rank. Poor B. . . . oversett 
again — 't is too poor mischief against one who really pretends 
to no great things, it indicates a disposition by no means com- 
mendable. But so we are here. Propriety of conduct and 
decency and manners seem to be no part of our higher education, 
i )ne trick of the kind might have passed. The ne quid nimis 
was not attended to in this matter." 

Thursday, 19. Yesterday and today engaged in surveying 
the shore and laying out 50 acre lots for private parties. 'Tis 
a hard service, and though I make good wages 'tis all earned. 
The heat in the woods and the black flies are almost insupport- 
able. Captain Mowatt and Captain Afleck arrived here with 
King's ships since my last notation. Several vessels arrived 
here today, two of them from Penobscot. Our people much at 
variance with one another, a bad disposition in a new settlement. 
Two of the Captains* appointed to fight a duel this morning, 
but were prevented by friends who thought better of the matter." 

M Thursday, 26. Yesterday General Patterson was here and 
of course not much business was done. Company to dine at 
our marquee. Tuesday last was St. John's day, a Free Mason 
festival, which was celebrated here by such members of that 
worshipful fraternity as are here. The D — 1 is among these 
people. Last night there were two boxing matches, in one of 
which a Captain was concerned. These things ought not to be 
here as yet. They are a miserable lot. They have no men of 
education among them, none to whom to look up for advice and 
direction. One of their agents who was in Halifax last winter, 
used to plume himself that they were going to effect a settlement 
without the assistance of the clergy, intending to have none of 
that order among them for the present. It would be better for 
them if they had one or two sensible discreet ministers, and 
that they would believe in them." 

Sunday, 29. The two past days I have been laying out town 
lots for new comers. Mr. Pynchon arrived from Halifax — there 
thev are murmuring because they have such a plenty of goods 
and merchandize they can find no sale for them — here we mur- 
mur because we must work hard and fare hard before we arrive 
at tli at degree ot opulence. This week past the weather has 

* The Captains to whom Marston is referring, in this portion of his journal, 
are thosp in charge of the Loyalists who were enrolled in companies prior to 
embarkation at New York. A company seems to have differed in the number of 
it- members according to circumstances — the carrying capacity of the transport 
the popularity of the captain, etc. 


been very hot and dry, the heat as great as is commonly felt in 
Now England at ye season." 

" Wednesday, July 2. Today at town fixing the lines of 
some streets and measuring off some house lots in letter F. St. 
John's division. A vessel arrived from New York by which we 
learn six months more provisions are 'promised the settlers here. 
The people here are suffering for want of a civil establishment, 
which, to the shame of government, is most scandalously 

" Thursday, 3. Assisting Mr. Morris to survey the shore 
in front of the town, in order to lay out water lots." 

"Friday, 4. Morris in town; he went over designing to 
survey the Northern half of the shore, but I suppose the rain 
has prevented him from doing it; now, towards evening, fair 
and pleasant." 

" Thursday, 10. Last Saturday assisted to survey the North- 
ern half of the town. Sunday mailed plan of my survey of 50 
acre lots. Monday ran the line on the lower side of the water 
from North to South. Tuesday, Wednesday and this day lay- 
ing out the water lots." 

" Saturday, 12. The people yesterday drew for their 50 
acre lots.* They have left many out of the drawing who are 
equally entitled to a lot as those who have drawn. They want 
government, more knowledge and a small portion of generosity. 
They wish to engross, this whole grant into the hands. of the few 
who came in the first fleet, hoping the distresses of their fellow- 
loyalists, who must leave New York, will oblige them to make 
purchases. Several vessels arrived from New England with 
lumber, bricks and provisions. Bought mutton for 6d." 

" Wednesday, 16. Rainy weather for these 6 or 7 days past 
has kept us from doing much ; we have, however, drawn the 
town water lots — finished yesterday. As usual many are dis- 
contented because their lots are low and wet." 

" Thursday, 17. Two vessels arrived this afternoon. Weather 
not settled, wind southerly to easterly with rain and fog." 

" Friday, 18. Today Mr. Morris took passage to Halifax 
in the Howe. I am now under cover at the Commissary's. 
Today finished all the water lot lists — find they have committed 
some blunders in making up the names, some are in twice, in 
one or two instances." 

* Compare Dr. T. Watson Smith " Loyalists at S'helburne, " p. 64, Vol. VI., 
Collections of Nova Scotia Historical Society. This was not the first drawing of 
lots, however, see under date May 24th in Marston's diary, quoted at p. . . ante. 


" Saturday, 19. Set up my marquee on Commissary's 
Island. Laid out twb half blocks H. and I. in St. John's division. 
Wind southerly, cloudy, muggy, hot." 

"Sunday, 20. Home all day — wrote a very long letter to 
Ed. Winslow. The Governor arrived below [at mouth of the 
harbour." | 

" Monday, 21. Had an interview with the Governor; he 
is very much surprised and a little angered at Mr. Morris sudden 



From these steps Governor Parr read proclamation naming Shelburne. 

'Tuesday, 22. Today the Governor came on shore — swore 
in five Justices of the Peace, * viz., James McEwen, James 

* James McEwen was of Boston ; he is termed by Marston, " an old main top 
bow line. " James Robinson was Captain of one of the Loyalists companies 
from New York. Joseph Durfee was originally a trader and shipowner of New- 
port, Rhode Island. He came to Port Roseway as one of the committee appointed 
at New York in the autumn of 1782, to effect a settlement at Port Roseway. 
During part of the war he was a pilot on King's ships of war. 


Robinson, Joseph Pynchon, Joseph Durfee and myself; Henry 
Edward Knox, notary public; Mr. Murray, coroner. The name 
of this place, Shelbume. Dined with the Governor on board 
Captain Mowatt's ship. Day pleasant, weather warm." 

In connection with the naming of Shelburne, Governor 
Parr's letter to Sir Guv Carleton is of interest : 

" Shelburne, 25th July, 1783. 
" Sir j — I have the honour to inform your Excellency of my 
arrival here (late Port Roseway) in the Sophia, Frigate, and 
that I have named the Town and District, Shelburne. From 
every appearance I have not a doubt but that it will in a short 
time become the most flourishing Town for Trade of any in this 
part of the world, and the country will for agriculture. For 
any particulars that your Excellency may wish to know I refer 
you to the bearer Mr. Robertson. 

" I did myself the honour to write to you by the Licorne, 
expressing my sentiments relative to the number of Loyalists 
intending to go to the River St. John. I greatly fear the soil 
and fertility of that part of this Province is over rated by people 
who have explored it partially. I wish it may turn out other- 
wise, but have my fears that there is scarce good land enough 
for those already sent there. If all the Provincial corps go — 
am certain there will not, which was the reason for my recom- 
mending the Eastern side of the St. Croix River to your Ex- 
cellency. I have the honour to be, with great esteem, 
" Sir, 
. " Your Excellency's 

" Most obedient 

"EEumMe Servant, 

J Parr." 

It was on Sunday, the 20th July, that Governor Parr arrived 
at Point Carleton, Port Roseway, in the ship " Sophia." Salutes 
were fired from the ship when he disembarked, and by the bat- 
teries at Point Carleton. He returned on board the same even- 
ing, and the next day proceeded up the harbour and anchored 
off the town. On Tuesday morning, the 22nd, his Excellency 
landed to view the town. He was welcomed with a salute fired 
by all the cannon on shore, and proceeded up King Street, both 
sides of which were lined by the inhabitants under arms, to the 
place appointed for his reception. The magistrates and leading 


citizens presented an address congratulating' him on his arrival. 
The Governor then, in a short speech, signified his intention of 
calling the town " Shelburne," and proposed the King's health, 
prosperity to the town, and to the Loyalists, each toast being 
accompanied by the cheers of the inhabitants and a general dis- 
charge of cannon. The Governor appointed justices of the peace 
and other officers, and administered to them the oaths of office. 
Subsequently an elegant dinner was given by Captain Mowatt 
on board the " Sophia," at which many loyal toasts were drunk 
— the King's health, success to the town of Shelburne, and to 
the settlement of the Loyalists in Nova Scotia, the toasts accom- 
panied by royal salutes from the ship. On Wednesday, the 
23rd, the Governor and suite, with Captains Mowatt and 1 Elphin- 
ston, dined at the house of James Robinson, Esq., with the lead- 
ing citizens. In the evening, a public supper and ball were 
given by the town, conducted with the greatest decorum. The 
festivities did not break up till five o'clock next morning, when 
the Governor returned on board the " Sophia " as highly pleased 
with the entertainment, as the company appeared gratified and 
delighted by his presence.* 

Many of the Loyalists did not share in Governor Parr's 
desire to honor Lord Shelburne, because he was the minister 
directly responsible for the peace negotiations by which the old 
colonies were declared to be independent of the mother country. 
The Rev. Jacob Bailey enclosed in a letter to Henry B. Brown, 
of Halifax, on August 23rd, " a few lines of doggerel upon the 
naming of Port Roseway," which may be regarded as expressive 
of the feelings of some, at least, of the Loyalists : 

" Shelburne ! we saw thee late on high 
Blaze like a comet thro' the sky, 
Tho' not like other blazing stars, 
Which threaten famine, plagues and wars, 
For tfiou by gentle dispensations 
Hast given peace to all the nations. 
A peace which at a jerk has thrown 
A powerful thriving empire djbwn; 

See Murdoch's History of Nova Scotia, Vol. iii., p. 18. 


A peace that makes men stare and wonder 

And laugh at all the British thunder; 

Which makes that dockt and cropt-tailed nation 

Of all the scorn and execration. 

But North and Fox eye with delight 

Thy fallen and extinguished light. 

Not so the sons of Rosaway, 

Patient to suffer and obey, 

For they conspire to noise thy fame 

And give their rising shape thy name. 

The sages used in days of yore, 

The heavenly bodies to adore, 

But never went it seems so far 

As to adore a fallen star. 

Oh ! hapless port of Rosaway, 

What signs on that ill-fated day 

Did all the scenes around display. 

The rocks, the mountains and the woods, 

The rolling streams and spreading floods 

Prickt up their wild astonished ears, 

And trembled at thy three-fold cheers. 

Shelburne ! we saw thee late on high 

Blaze like a comet thro' the sky, 

When the dire sweepings of thy tail 

Made men to tremble and grow pale, 

Tho" not like other blazing stars, 

Which threaten famine, plagues and wars, 

For thou by gentle dispensations 

Hast given peace to all the nations." 

But we must once more turn our attention to the course of 
events at Shelburne as they are recorded in Benjamin Marston's 
diary : 

" Wednesday, July 30. The Governor left this place last 
Saturday (I think it was). Before he sailed there arrived three 
transports from New York with about ninety families. These 
with about as many more, who came from all parts, are to be 
located on house lots. I have nobody to assist me. Lyman is 
gone to Annapolis. Mason is engaged upon the 50 acre lots, 
I have the whole of this upon my own hands. Wrote per 
Lyman to Ed. Winslow." 

"Friday, August 1. Ever since Monday I have been con- 
stantly in the woods laying out ground for town lots for about 
200 people — Thursday excepted ; weather prevented." 


"' Saturday. 2. Today finished laving out the squares for 
the now comers. On Monday design staking them off and then 
to draw for them. I find I must keep a good look out against 
speculators — people who get house lots in order to make money 
out of them — there are one or two whom I suspect, and one 
w horn 1 suspect has already drawn a lot and sold it." 

" Monday, 4. Intended marking out the lots for the last 
comers from N. York, but the rain prevented me. Weather 
rainy and warm." 

* Tuesday, 5. Have marked out 98 house lots to-day. Had 
Lyman's assistance before noon, but he was then obliged to quit, 
being unwell. Returned home at evening well fatigued. Have 
a hundred applications in a day about bad house lots and bad 
water lots, were I to enter into them all I should be constantly 
moving the people from one end of the land to the other." 

" Wednesday, 6. Measured off 69 more house lots for the 
new comers. Settled some boundaries — one in particular for 
the famous John McAlpine, which turned out exactly agreable 
to what it had been settled before by Mr. Morris, by McAlpine's 
own account. I mention this because he had made great com- 
plaint that Mr. Morris would not do his duty as a .surveyor in 
rectifying the lines of the streets." 

" Thursday, 7. Today located 183 new comers from New 
York and other places upon house lots." 

" Friday, 8. Exerted a piece of arbitrary power today in 
the case of three applicants for lots, all from Halifax. A 
Captain of the Refugees named Moffat (a simple body) had 
recommended them for town lots. In confidence that his recom- 
mendation was from personal knowledge, they were admitted 
to a draught, but finding their true characters as mere adven- 
turers, I have erased their names, and for this I put myself upon 
my country." 

" Saturday, 9. At home all day, it being rainy all the morn- 
ing and remaining part of day blew exceeding hard at N. W. 
A Capt. McLean has this evening sent me a green turtle, about 
seven lbs. I am obliged to him. He is to have a house lot, but 
this must not blind my eyes. He must run the same chance as 
his neighbours who have no turtle to send." 

"" Sunday, 10. At home all day. Rec'd a packet from the 
Surveyor general's office ; got two blank commissions for our 
Deputy Surveyors, the form of oath and a new plan of thq town 
and its environs. The reserves in the new plan entirely deranges 
all that has yet been done towards settling persons in the farming 
line, who are as yet quite unprovided for." 


" Monday, n. At town setting people right with regard to 
their water lots in the South End." 

" Tuesday, 12. Rectifying lines at the South end." 

" Wednesday & Thursday, 13 & 14. Rainy. Home each 

" Friday. 15. Rectifying lines & boundaries." 

" Sunday, 17. Yesterday rectifying lines. Today went up 
the X. W. branch merely to gratify the importunity of a man 
whom I could not convince of the inutility of our going by any 
other means." 

" Monday, 18. Ascertaining some boundaries. Ran the 
lower line for five new blocks in Patterson's division. Blaz'd 
the trees." 

" Tuesday, 19. Last night and this morning rain, which 
prevented me going into the woods. Dined at Justice Mc- 
Ewen's ; located five persons in Letter C, Parr's division." 

" Wednesday, 20. Running lines for 5 new blocks on the 
back of Patterson's ; ascertained bounds H. and I. same 

" Thursday, 21. Ran the lines for five more blocks on the 
back of those which I ran yesterday." 

" Friday, 22. Laid out several lines of streets. A party at 
work clearing ground for 8 or 10 new blocks." 

" Saturday, 23. Setting the people to clear the brush and 
trees from the streets of the new blocks and to make poles for 
running the lines." 

" Sunday, 24. By chance a day of rest." 

" Monday, 25. Measuring off lots in the newly lay'd out 
blocks. P. M. rain, which kept me at home after dinner." 

" Tuesday, 26. Some little business before breakfast, such 
as settling boundaries, etc. From about 9 a. m. to 5 p. m. in the 
woods running lines and measuring off house lots. Just after 
I came home received a billet from Capt. Christian inviting me 
to see him on board the Cyclops this afternoon or tomorrow at 
breakfast. Sent a verbal answer I would breakfast with him. 
I was too tired, too, dirty, too hungry, to sit down and write an 
answer to his billet. He may think me an odd fellow ; he is 
welcome to the opinion." 

" Wednesday, 27. This morning on board the Cyclops to 
breakfast. Had a conference with Captain Christian respecting 
the black men, who by the Governor's orders are to be placed 
up the X. W. Harbour. Finished running the lines and measur- 
ing lots for the last arrivals. Had a conference with Colonel 
Morse the Chief Engineer." 


" Thursday, 28. Today located 158 persons on lots in Pat- 
terson's division. P. M,, went up the N. W. Arm ashore with 
Colonel Bluck* to show him the ground allotted for his people. 
The_\ are well satisfied with it." 

Friday, 29. I intended this day to have surveyed the land 
for Colonel Bluck's town, but was prevented by Colonel Morse 
and Major Pitcairn having business with the magistrates which 
prevented my going. It was a curious business enough. They 
have an order from head quarters to prevent any timber being 
cut from off the King's wood (by the by 'tis uncertain yet where- 
abouts that will be.) They want, under the order, to prevent 
people cutting from off any of the reserved lands — when one 
purpose of the reservation is for a Common, and they have tried 
hard to coax the magistrates to publish these orders, sed non 
vult facere." 

" Saturday, 30. At N. W. Arm, laying out lands for Colonel 
Bluck's black gentry." 

" Sunday, 31. Dined with Captain Christian on board the 

Having followed Marston's journal through the summer 
months, we again pause to make a few observations upon it. 

The origin of the names of the divisions of ancient Shelburne 
it is not hard to find. The naming of St. John's division closely 
follows the Masonic celebration of St. John's day, June 24th; 
for " St. John's division " is first mentioned by Marston a few 
days after that event. Patterson's division was named in honor 
of General Patterson, who visited Port Roseway on the 26th of 
June. Parr's division, obviously, was named in honor of Gover- 
nor Parr, who paid his first visit to Shelburne on the 21st of 
July. The order of the divisions, beginning at the north, was 
as follows : Pair's, North, South, St. John's and Patterson's. 
The divisions fronted on the water, the side lines running back 
at right angles to Water Street. The town plat lay at the head 
of the harbor on the east side, extending from Rose Island to 
the Roseway River, a distance of rather more than a mile and 
a half, with a depth of over half a mile. It was at first intended 
the town should consist of five long parallel streets, crossed by 

* Colonel Stephen Bluck, who was in charge of the negro Immigrants, and 
who was himself a mulatto. 

l*J v j I r 


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/tfoxrH &ttfty*Hij Q>?t>i//v£> 



Clement* Street 




South Dim/om 


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I <fr John's 


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others at right angles, but this plan was, of necessity, modified 
owing to the large number of Loyalists who came. In addition 
to house lots and water lots, a number of 50-acre farm lots were 
surveyed, and at each end of the town there was a reservation 
for a common. At the time of the first drawing of lots on the 
23rd May, the centre street (King Street) divided the town into 
the two divisions, known as North and South divisions. The 
other divisions were afterwards laid out on the reservations 
intended as North and South Commons. The streets parallel 
to Water Street were increased to eleven. Two cemeteries 
were reserved : that for the northern district at the back of the 
town, that for the southern district near the cove at the lower 
end of the town. A glance at the plan which is here given will 
make everything clear. 

Marstous observations concerning the character and ability 
of the men commissioned by Sir Guy Carleton as captains of the 
companies of Loyalists who came to Port Rose way are undoubt- 
edly severe. Equally severe are his remarks upon the unfitness 
of certain officials appointed by the government of Nova Scotia. 
His opinions, however, seemed to have been shared by Governor 
Parr, who wrote to Lord Sidney, May 12th, 1784: 

:t The most liberal of the Loyalists would not go to Shelburne 
and the River St. John, so that I had to make magistrates in 
these settlements of men whom God Almighty never intended 
for the office, but it was Hobson's choice." 

The first location of settlers by the surveyors on May 23rd, 
comprised, for the most part, those who came in the first fleet, 
which anchored at Port Roseway on the 4th of May. A further 
contingent arrived on the 19th of June, in which there were some 
Loyalists from Penobscot. These were located in Patterson's 
division on the 28th of August. There was, unfortunately, a 
disposition on the part of the first comers to monopolize the most 
eligible situations, with a view of disposing of them to their own 
advantage. % 

It would, however, scarcely be just to conclude that the 
Shelburne Loyalists were, upon the w r hole, so bad a lot as the 
reader of Marston's journal might infer. Marston himself 


admits that, although the community was devoid of any form 
of self-government, " no great enormities were com mrittedl ; v 

and he states further that, while exasperated at the insolence 
and impertinence of one sort of people, he could not but feel for 
the distress of those who had come from easy situations to 
encounter all the hardships of a new plantation, and who wished 
to submit cheerfully to the dispensations of Providence. But 
Marston was brought so constantly into contact with the un- 
reasonable and dissatisfied that he sought relief for his feelings 
in the pages of his journal, and thus the story of his grievances 
becomes rather predominant. 

The action of the Halifax customs collector in sending his 
deputy to Port Roseway to pick a little money out of the pockets 
of the distressed Loyalists, was naturally considered by Marston 
to be an illiberal proceeding. It was, however, one for which 
no responsibility rested upon the government of Nova Scotia. 

The customs were at this time under the control of the Im- 
perial government. The old customs regulations had been one 
of the causes of the Revolution, and, although the grievances of 
which the colonies complained were ameliorated by the Act of 
Parliament passed in 1778, the colonial legislatures still had no 
control over the collection of duties or of the salaries of the 
customs officers, nor did they obtain it for years to come. A 
very animated debate took place in the Nova Scotia House of 
Assembly in 1827 upon the resolutions introduced by Mr. Fair- 
banks on this subject. In the course of the debate Haliburton, 
Uniacke and others spoke with much eloquence and power. 

Marston's reference to the arrival of the freed negroes at 
Shelburne, under their leader, Colonel Bluck, is of considerable 
interest. Stephen Bluck was a mulatto, and a man of good 
education. The settlement of the negroes on the North West 
Arm was called " Birchtown," in honor of General Birch, com- 
mandant of the City of New York, their friend and patron. The 
settlement consisted of upwards of 1,500 free negroes enrolled 
in the following companies : 




Men Women 

Children Children 
over 10 I under 10 


Colonel Bluck . . . . 
Capt. Snowball . . . . 
" Perth 

Lawrence. . . . 


Nicholson. . . 
" Dixon 

Murray . . 

Bridges .... 
" Reed 

Fraction* .... 
" With 

Johnson. . . . 

Cuthbert. . . . 


Johnson. . . . 

Tranells. . . . 
" O'Neill .... 

Williams. . . . 


" Hamilton . . 
Not in any Company 






































7 I 

10 I 

6 I 
13 I 
16 I 


11 I 

12 I 

6 I 
16 I 

5 I 

6 I 

3 i 
18 I 

2 I 
16 I 














254 I 1,522 

Many of the blacks, prior to leaving New York, were claimed 
by the Americans as slaves. Sir Guy Carleton declined to give 
them up to their old masters, on the ground that they had been 
declared free by a proclamation of Sir Henry Clinton. The 
number of negroes who sought refuge within the British lines 

* There is in the possession of Arthur M. Hill, of St. Stephen, N. B., an old 
document entitled " A list of the Men, Women and Children (over 10 and under 
10 years of age) of the Black Refugees on the north side of the creek, 14th 
January, 1784. " The names of those in Fraction's Company are given, and the 
totals are 32 men, 22 women, 1 child over 10, 3 children under 10 ; in all 58> 
souls. Probably this was the number at the time of their arrival at Shelburne. 
It differs a little from that in the above list, which was made by order of General 
Campbell in the summer of 1784. 


during the war is said to have been at least 2,000. * They were 
supplied with rations, and by order of General Birch, the com- 
mandant of the City of New York, were allowed possession of 
a number of houses abandoned by their former occupants, who 
had entered into rebellion. Washington stoutly protested against 
the removal oi the negroes as a breach of the terms of the treaty 
of peaee. Sir Guy Carleton responded that he conceived it im- 
possible that Great Britain could stipulate in any treaty an 
engagement to be guilty of a notorious breach of the public 
faith towards people of any complexion whatever. He assured 
Washington that he had caused every negro's name to be 
registered, together with that of his former master, with such 
circumstances as might serve to denote his value, so that com- 
pensation might, if necessary, be afforded by the British govern- 
ment. Judges Jones states, in his History of New York, that 
the proposal met with general approbation. " Congress and the 
several legislatures of the States jumped at the proposal. A 
valuation was made and approved of. The money, it is true, 
has never been paid. What occasioned it? An absolute refusal 
on the part of the Americans to comply with a single article in 
the treaty in favor of the Loyalists." 

We now- turn our attention to the course of events at Shelburne 
during the closing months of 1783, as the diary of Marston tells 
the story. It will be noted that the lack of a supreme authority 
to exereise firm, yet kindly, control continued to be felt as the 
settlement progressed : 

" Monday, September 1. At the N. W. Arm again survey- 
ing and running lines for Col. Bluck's Company." 

"Tuesday. 2. Wrote the Governor in answer to his last letters. 
Desired his instructions respecting the placing of a Presbyterian 
meeting house and a market at the Bason. Wrote Charles 
Morris, Esq., acquainting him of my proceedings to this day, 
thanking him for his appointments & desiring some lists of fees 
and forms of office which he did not send — recommending 
Ilargrave's case for a grant similar to Shakespear's & Co., 
asking him in an indirect manner to be provided with a room 

Loyalist History of New York. Vol. ii.. p. 256. 


to finish the plan of my surveys, and acquainting him that I\ had 
some probability of an assistant." 

" Wednesday, 3. Today ran the lines for Shakespeare, 
Courtenay, &c, taking enough for Hargraves ; fixed the corner 
for Watson & Co." 

" Thursday, 4. Set Lyman running lines for five new blocks 
back of the town. Surveyed Mr. Joshua Watson's grant." 

"Friday, 5. Finished Mr. Watson's plan; Mr. Lyman in 
the woods running lines for blocks for new comers." 

"Saturday, 6. Located 64 persons on K. and L. St. John's and 
R. and S. South division. Dined with Mr. Joshua Watson on board 
his brig. After dinner he received a very curious letter from 
Lt. Lawson, a deputy engineer, advising him not to lay out any 
expense upon a very advantageous grant of land which he 
obtained for himself and associates until he had informed the 
Governor more particularly concerning it. In plain English 
Mr. Watson must ask Air. Lawson if he may accept a grant of 
land from the only persons in the province who have right to 
make it. Such are the ideas of military people." 

" Sunday, 7. Sent Lyman and Tully to Birch-Town to lay 
out for the Blacks, myself at the South end fixing boundaries." 

" Monday, 8. Air. Tully overseeing the laying out of lots 
for people applying for house lots, myself rectifying lines in 
Patterson's division and St. John's. Lyman attending to his 
boat in order for his expedition thro' the country to Annapolis." 

" Tuesday, 9. Located 12 persons on T. South division and 
X. North division — dined at Shakespear's. Went on board Mr. 
Watson's brig and tarried there all night the evening being 

" Wednesday, 10. Gave Mr. Watson the plan of his grant; 
rec'd from that gentleman a handsome gratuity, 'twas unasked 
and unexpected, dined on board his brig. This evening had a 
visit from an old domestick, Dick Martin — Dick and I very glad 
to see each other." 

"Thursday, 11. Located 40 Yaghers on ten lots in D. and 
E., Parr's division. Partly surveyed Shakespear's, Courtney's, 
&c. grant, the bushes hindered me from finishing. In the even- 
ing went on board Watson's brig; spent the evening there." 

'/Friday, 12. Laid out the grant to the two Shakespears, 
three Courtneys, Lynch, Lowndes, Cockran and one to spare. 
Staked off three house lots in H., North division, for three 
officers of the 82d Regiment, and began the survey of the water 
at the south end of town. Lyman set out for Annapolis in a boat 


with two men. This is the third attempt — poor fellow I hope 
he'll get through." 

*' Saturday, 13. Located 8 persons on R., North division. 
Continued the survey round the cove. Wrote the Governor 
respecting the expected arrival of 400 families from New York 
in about 3 weeks, requesting his directions about locating them, 
whether at the back or end of the town. Took no copy — could 
not, was too tired and sleepy." 

" Sunday, 14. Received letters from the Governor, Wm. 
Morris, George Allen, and Arthur Goold, Esq." 

" Monday, 15. Lay'd out Capt. Win. Hargraves water lot, 
bounded as pr. survey book. Wrote Charles Morris, Esq. & 
Bill [Morris] ; now all mv letters are answered but George 

' Tuesday, 16. Located 6 persons on Q. R & H., North 

" Wednesday, 17. Located 6 persons in P. and Q., South 


"Thursday, 18. Bought a frame from Mr. Wilson for £14; 
got it all but a few heavy pieces on my lot. Laid out the square 
for the Market in the St. John's division." 

" Friday, 19. Wrote Mr. John Neil, who is got upon water 
lot No. 14, Letter A., South division, that it is the property of 
of John McNeil of Lynch's Company. His lot is Letter A., 97 
North division. About 4 o'clock p. m., Capt. Turnbull* came 
to me with a message from Capt. Barclayf and others desiring 
me to meet them at Capt. Barclay's house. I refused to do it, 
but told him I would wait for them at my own marquee till ten 
o'clock. He went off very much disconcerted, in appearance at 
least. The business is about the 50 acre lots. The people have 
sent out a Mr. Sperling with a pocket compass and cod line. 
He ran over the western side of the harbour as far as Cape 
Negro, laying out 50 acre lots. He has taken into his survey 
Birch-Town, which will utterly ruin it, if it was in any degree 
near the truth — for that will shift the niggers at least two lots — 

* Robert Turnbull of Albany, New York, came to Shelburne witb bis family 
wras granted one farm, one town and" one water lot. 

jr Andrew Barclay came to Shelburne with his family of ten persons and 
four servants. He was in charge of one of the companies of Loyalists and was 
in Shf-lburne in 1805. See Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections, 
Vol. VI. n. 7 1. 


should all the rest be right. For it seems he has laid out that 
many on the Black men's grounds. For this business he has 
two dollars p. head, and some have paid the money and deter- 
mine, at all adventures, to take possession under this not even a 
shadow of a license. Under the circumstances I cannot get a 
party to go out to finish the survey on that side of the harbour. 
1 requested it last Saturday, and have repeatedly mentioned it 
since to no effect. 

" Another piece of villainy (I must call it) on the part of 
the Captains has turned up within these few days, that is a 
number or minors have been included in their lists, in all the 
draughts for town, water and 50 acre lots. These I am informed 
have been bought up at small prices. This day I advertised all 
purchasers of lots to beware of minors, for many such were 
abroad. Stuck it up at McEwen's Corner. Wrote W. Morris, 
giving account of detection of minors drawing lots, of old 
Sperling's survey and the hobble it had brought the people into 
— advising an examination of the draughts* of 50 acre lots ; also 
that I had bought a small frame of a house." 

" Saturday, 20. Located 10 persons upon town lots. Marked 
out some streets round the Cove in order to lay out water lots. 
Had a conference with Captains Barclay, Shakespear and Turn- 
bull on the subject of the disposition of 50 acre lots. They have 
promised to overhaul that business. Mr. Tully returned from 
Birch-Town this morning." 

" Sunday, 21. Recalled the letter I wrote on Friday to Mr. 
Morris. At home till afternoon, plotting the survey of the 

" Monday, 22. Air. Tully laving out town lots in North 
division. Up the Roseway river myself laying out 500 acre lots. 
Began at the Pine tree where the 50 acre lots began, ran north- 
erly. Tully at work in letter Y. North, and T. South division." 

" Wednesday, 24. Yesterday up the River. Lay'd out two 
500 acre lots : slept in the woods, returned in the morning on 
account of the rain. Today arrived more passengers from N.. 
York. Am yet without a party to finish the survey of 50 acre 
lots on the western side." 

" Thursday, 25. In the woods with Capt. Sullivan exploring 
the land northward of the Upper Cove." 

" Friday, 26. An order received this day to lay out a piece 
of land northward of the Upper Cove for Colonel Campbell puts 

That is the list of names of those by whom the lots were drawn. 


an end to any locations in that quarter. Sent Mr. Tully to 
survey round the cove and up to the falls where the 50 acre lots 
arc. Wrote the Governor. Inclosed a plan expressing my idea 
about placing the Church and Presbyterian meeting House; 
another showing the situation of the market in St. John's square. 
\\ rote Charles Morris, Esq. Wrote Wm. Morris respecting the 
twelve 500 acre lots on each side of the River — also respecting 
my taking one for myself. Whether it would be thought asking 
too much." 

" Saturday, 2~. Have been running lines for Sullivan's, 
Hamilton's, &c. Companies, late comers ; a very murmuring 

*' Sunday, 28. "Sir. Tully in the woods running lines for 
Sullivan's, Hamilton's, &c. These people are the very worst 
we've had yet. They murmur and grumble because they can't 
get located as advantageously as those who have been working 
hard these 4 months. They seem to be the riff-raff of the 

" Monday, 29. This Evening a meeting of the members of 
the Episcopal Church to choose Wardens and Vestry."* 

" Tuesday, 30. In town about water lots. Sullivan's, 
Hamilton's and the last comers have at length taken the advice 
I first gave them to hut as soon as they could against winter." 

" Wednesday, October 1. Laying off water lots about the 
cove south of Watson's grant." 

" Thursday, 2. At Gunning Cove. Laid out house lots 60 
by 120 for 7 Pilots ;f run foul of Sparling's survey. Mr. Tully 
with me." 

" Friday, 3. Laying out the water lots the north side of the 
cove. Tully and Ducket with me." 

" Saturday, 4. Ditto." 

''' Sunday, 5. Dined on board the Cyclops in the Gun room. 
— Noise and Nonsense." 

* This was on Michaelmas Day, when according to the custom of the province, 
annual meetings were held in the various parishes for the election of Wardens 
and Vestrymen. 

f These pilots were employed by the British fleets during the war. They 
were now settled on the west side of the Shelburne harbor half way between the 
town and the sea. The British government, wisely considering how obnoxious 
these men had rendered themselves to the rebels, allotted, them half-pay during 
I of their lives, a measure equally just and necessary, most of them having 
formerly been possessed of property in the United States. 


" Monday, 6. Dined on board ditto, in the Great Cabin — 
decency and agreableness. Have been with my friend Wm. 
Morris these two days, so have done no business/' 

" Wednesday, 8. Last evening Wm. Morris sailed for Port 
Mutton. Today laying out water lots. Mr. Tully running lines 
for Sullivan's, Hamilton's, &c, at the North End." 

" Thursday, 9. Wrote to Sister Lucia/ 1 ' acquainting her of 
my good situation — desired some things from her country." 

" Friday, 10. Laying out water lots. Tully laying out 
town lots for the Sullivan's Companies. Weather very fine. 
Arrived one ship from N. York." 

" Saturday, 11. The ship which arrived yesterday has about 
50 families who are to settle here." ' 

" Sunday, 12. Dined at Hale & Son. More settlers 

"Monday, 13. Met the Captains of the five Companies who 
arrived lately. They have agreed to put their people below the 
Town for the present." 

" Tuesday, 14. This morning on board Captain Christie's 
ship. Went on shore with some of the new comers to shew them 
the ground where they are advised to hut themselves. They 
don't seem upon the whole to favour the idea of hutting. 
Another ship arrived today with passengers." 

" Wednesday, 15. Carried Captains Wright t and AckermanJ 
of the new comers to the ground I must lay out for them. They 
are much displeased at the situation. Lay'd out some water lots. 
Captain Christian and Major Pitcairn to dine with us." 

"Thursday, 16. Located Sullivan's and Hamilton's comple- 
ment, 112 persons, in Parr's division on 6 whole lots and 2 half 
lots. Showery this afternoon ; did nothing after dinner." 

" Friday, 17. Home all day, blew hard. Wrote the Gover- 
nor, as per Copy." 

" Saturday, 19. In town ; planned some water lots, laid out 
below. Weather cloudy, moderate, p. m. rain." 

* Lucia Watson, wife of John Watson of Plymouth. 

■f Daniel Wright, of Northampton, Mass.. with his family of four, came to 
Shelburne in September. 1783. He had command of one of the Companies of 
Loyalists as stated above. 

+ John Ackermann, of New Jersey, with his family of seven and two servants 
are mentioned in Sabine's Loyalists, as having come to Shelburne. He was 
captain of- one of the Companies of Lovalists as stated above. 


*' Sunday, 19. A proper N. E. storm with plenty of rain. 
Home all day not very comfortable.'* 

"Monday, 20. Sent Mr. Tully to Pilot's Town to lay off 
house lots for rive persons. At home all clay myself. Too windy 
to see about water lots, which I wish chiefly to finish." 

" Tuesday, 21. Went np the river with Lowndes, Shake- 
spear. Cassel and Pendergrass.* Lay'd out two more 500 acre 
lots which make six on the western side of the river. That 
company are to have four more on the eastern side the river to 
begin above Messrs. Robinson's grant. The Courtneys take the 
three next to Shakespears, &c, on the wester* side. Lodged 
in the woods all night." 

" Thursday, 23. Planning the survey of the six 500 acre 
lots to Shakespear, &c. A very severe gale at S. E. Stayed in 
town all night. Several arrived from N. York." 

" Friday, 24. Mr. Tully running lines in Parr division for 
disbanded soldiers, four blocks. Gave Rev. Mr. Walter a letter 
to forward to Halifax to the Governor." 

" Saturday, 25. Made up tickets for 66 persons to draw for 
house lots." 

" Sunday, 26. Wrote letters till dinner time. Dined in 
town. Home at dark to lonesome solitary tabernacle. Wrote 
the Governor, Charles Morris, Esq., Wm. and Geo. Allen. Sent 
in my six month*s account." 

" Monday, 2y. Located 70 persons in Parr's division. Got 
a boat and men to go tomorrow with Mr. Mason to survey the 
N. W. Arm." 

" Tuesday, 28. Wrote the Governor respecting McKinney 
and Cameron,! who have set down upon ungranted lands." 

" Wednesday, 29. Busy all the morning with people inquir- 
ing for Lots, Land, &c. Mr. Tully running lines for four blocks 
for the 23 d and 42d regiments and some stragglers from other 
Corps. Mr. Mason at the N. W.i Arm surveying the Tongue of 
land between both branches." 

" Thursday, 30. Mr. Tully out this morning with the parties 
clearing ground for the 23d, 42d and a few others, but the rain 

* Matthew Pendergrass, of Albany, N. Y. He was a Lieutenant in Cuyler's 
€orps of Associated Loyalists, on Long Island, in 1780. Came to Shelburne, 
where he received one farm, one town and one water lot. 

•J- Probably Meredith Cameron of New York. He owned three houses there, 
two of which he demolished and transported the bricks to Shelburne to serve in 
the erection of a new dwelling. He died at Liverpool, N. S., aged 98 years. 


put them off from the business very soon ; a wet afternoon and 
evening. Mr. Lyman arrived from Halifax." 

" Friday, 31. Rain all day till near sun set. However Mr. 
Tully has been in the woods some part of the time. .Myself at 
home all day preparing- tickets to draw for 43 town lots tomor- 
row — of the 42d nine, of the 76th five, of the 23d twenty nine, 
in all forty three." 

" Saturday, November 1. Located the 43 soldiers mentioned 
yesterday." . 

" Sunday, 2. A day of rest ; dined in town ; snow squally 
day. The southern people are much frightened at the weather; 
poor people they are to be pitied." 

" Monday,. 3. Mr. Lyman running lines to the south for 
Refugees. Mr. Tully to the northward for soldiers. Mr. Mason 
gone over the harbor. Fair and cool." 

" Tuesday, 4. Lyman and Tully still running lines for house 
lots. Mr. Mason over the water surveying the Tongue. Dined 
on board Capt. Christian's ship. Fair and pleasant." 

" Wednesday, 5. Lyman and Tully in the woods running 
lines. Weather fair." 

" Thursday, 6. Lyman and Tully as yesterday. Went this 
day to examine the place where the Governor orders his 500 
acres to be laid out." 

" Friday, 7. Lyman and Tully as yesterday. Went with 
Mr. Mason to show him where to begin to lay out the Governor's 
500 acre lot. Today looking after the building my house and 
doing some business of my own in town." 

" Saturday, 8. Rainy wet day, no business abroad." 

" Sunday, 9. Day of rest." 

" Wednesday, 12. In town Monday, Tuesday and today 
preparing to draw lots for upwards of 700 persons Can tarry 
no longer at Brinley's ; his house is so thronged with carpenters, 
work benches, &c, that I have no lodging room, and he has so 
much business of his own that 'tis impossible to find room to do 
any of ours, so have thrust myself in at Low & Hale's on a very 
slender invitation." 

;< Thursday, 13. Lyman and Tully in the woods marking 
out blocks for house lots for the new comers ; myself preparing 
a list of names to draw." 

" Friday, 14. People begin to be slack at working, no 
Loyalists out today. I left Brinley's Mess on Sat. 7th and came 
to Mr. Low's on Monday." 


" Saturday, 15. Set up the eastern and western boundaries 
oi Colonel Campbell's grant. Waiting for Lyman and Tully to 
have ground enough laid out for drawing for house lots." 

'* Wednesday, 19. Today finish rolling up tickets for the 
Loyalists, who are to draw their lots in the southern part of the 
town. Yesterday Lyman and today Tully finished staking off 
the house lots. It has been with great difficulty that the people 
have been got to work this week past to help in the surveying. 
Today Colonel Buskirk* and family got into my house ; they 
Live down cellar." 

" Thursday, 20. Located people on 416 house lots, which 
we have been at work upon about three weeks." 

"Friday, 21. Making up tickets to-day for 383 disbanded 
soldiers, who are to draw tomorrow." 

" Saturday, 22. The 383 soldiers mentioned yesterday drew 
their lots today. Wrote to Brother Watson and Lucia. Sent 
for sundry notions." 

'* Monday, 24. Lyman running lines for about 600 more 
persons. At home all day hearing complaints about bad lots, 
detecting abuses in the last lottery, of which I have found several, 
as a negro, a mulatto, a boy." 

" Wednesday, 26. These two days Lyman and Tully in the 
woods laying out town lots ; myself at home planning the Gov- 
ernor's farm 1 at Bow Wood, which by reason of a hundred inter- 
ruptions about bad lots, no lots, and 500 acre lots has taken me 
these two days." 

' Thursday, 27. Tully and Lyman in the woods, wrote to 
the Governor ; received a letter from Charles Morris. Wrote 
an answer." 

" Friday, 28. Stormy wet day, no business abroad." 

" Saturday, 29. Lyman and Tully in the woods running 
lines all day." 

" Sunday, 30. At the Falls measuring the width of the River 

" Monday, December 1. At home writing to Charles Morris, 
Esq., inclosing our accounts, and planning my survey of 50 acre 
lots. Stormy — very wet." 

* Colonel Abraham Van Buskirk, of the 3rd battalion of the New Jersey 
Volunteers, a well known Loyalist Corps. In 1784, he was Mayor of Shelburne. 
Quite a number of the men of his corps came to Shelburne with their families. 
They arrived late in September. 


" Tuesday, 2. At home making out the plan of the 50 acre 

lots, which I surveyed myself, and writing letters to Halifax — 
fair, pleasant and moderate." 

" Wednesday, 3. Looking about my house, getting lime and 
bricks together, it goes on slow — fair moderate. 

" Thursday, 4. My good brother John Watson arrived 
today — an, unexpected most grateful visitor. Masons began 
today on my chimney." 

" Friday & Saturday, 5 & 6. Employed most of my time 
regulating lots. Settling a mode for the Farmers to get into 
the country — which after all my contrivance I find a very diffi- 
cult matter. They want all to go first to be nearest the town 
and to have the best land — 'tis all very natural. However they 
have at last broke out and today, Monday the 8, Captain Wright 
and a party of about 14 under direction of Mr. Lyman have set 
out to begin a road thro' the country to Annapolis. I have 
directed him to steer the most direct course, only avoiding such 
grounds as are naturally impassable and would take much labour 
to make them otherwise. My house goes on slowly, the two 
hhds. of lime I've returned being bad. Not stony enough in 
my cellar to lay the foundation of my chimney. However 
Colonel Buskirk has collected some stones, and I find we shall 
get through by and by." 

" Monday, 22. This week past have been engaged regulating 
the parties going out into the country for lands. As much time 
as I could spent in planning and writing to Halifax. Weather 
fine. Inclosed a plan of Shelburne and its environs from Rose- 
way to Jordan Falls to Charles Morris, Esq., Surveyor General." 

Having followed Benjamin Marston's journal as far as the 
close of the year 1783, a few observations are again in order. 

It is evident that the situation of the surveyors, and others 
engaged in the settlement of the Loyalists and disbanded soldiers 
at Shelburne, became increasingly difficult as the months 
advanced. The number of those who decided to go to Shelburne 
greatly exceeded the expectations of the authorities of the pro- 
vince, who had agreed upon a smaller plan of the settlement, and 
in order to provide for the late arrivals, modifications of the 
original plan were necessary. Marston's patience was sorely 
tried by these later comers, who included many of the baser 
element, who might more justly be termed refugees than true 
Loyalists. This class lingered until the last moment at New 


York, and sailed for Shelburne when they could stay no longer. 
Marston, it will be remembered, wrote in his journal: 

'These people are the very worst we have had yet; they 
murmur and grumble because they can't get located as advan- 
tageously as those who have been working hard these four 
months. They seem to be the riff-raff of the whole. "- 

The settlers at Port Roseway had roseate anticipations of the 
building of a second New York, when they sailed up their mag- 
nificent harbor. The convenience of the situation, easily access- 
ible from New York— combined, as has been suggested, with 
the attractive name of " Roseway " — led a very mixed multitude 
to make it their home, people of intelligence and refinement, and 
many, too, of the baser sort. 

An element of weakness in the founding of Shelburne was 
the large number of disbanded soldiers who drew their lots there. 
Old soldiers, as a rule, have proved unfitted for the settlement 
of a new country. Their presence at Shelburne proved of no 
advantage, and certainly did not promote either the quietness 
or the permanence of the settlement. The military began to 
put in appearance early in September, when Marston located a 
party of Yaghers in Parr's division of the town. By the close 
of the year, more than a thousand soldiers, with their families, 
were included in the population. A considerable number of 
them removed to Prince Edward Island and other places early 
in the next year. In consequence, they were not, included in the 
muster of the disbanded troops made by William Porter in the 
summer of 1784, by order of Major General Campbell.* 

A summary of this muster follows : 

* General Campbell's muster is erroneously termed " Morse's Muster " by 
some writers, as, for example, Henry Youle Hind, in his History of King's 
College, Windsor, N. S., p. 13, and by the Dominion, Archivist, Vol. for 1894, p. 
412. It is clear that a general muster of this sort lay outside the sphere of duty 
of Colonel Morse, who was an engineer. It was undertaken by order of General 
Campbell, the Commander-in-Chief of the forces in Nova S'cotia, and was carried 
out under direction of Lieut.-Colonel Edward Winslow, muster-master-general. 



Disb-anded Soldiers Mustered at Shelburne. 


Artillery. . . . 
7th Regiment . 
17th Dragoons. 
22nd Regiment 
23rd Regiment. 
37th Regiment. 
38th Regiment 
40th Regiment 
42nd Regiment 

82d Regiment 
84th Regiment 
Hessians . . . 









43d Regiment | 15 

54th Regiment 

57th Regiment 

04th Regiment 

63d Regiment 

64th Regiment 

65th Regiment 

70th Regiment 

71st Regiment 

74th Regiment 

76th Regiment 

79th Regiment 

80th Regiment 
















over 10 









x 3 







under 10 
























3 1 















Disbanded Soldiers Mustered at Shelburne. 
Loyalist Regiments. 

! 1 .1 

CORPS | Men | Women Overmen 

1 1 

I Children | 

1 under ten 1 lotai 

1 1 

British Legion 

King's American Reg't . . 
Royal Garrison Battalion 
Prince of VTales Am. Reg't 
Duke of Cumberland's Rg't 
Nova Scotia Volunteers . . 
ist New Jersey Volunteers 
2d New Jersey Volunteers 
3d New Jersey Volunteers 
ist Le Lancey's Volunteers 
2d De Lancey's Volunteers 
Queen's Rangers . . . . 

Emmerick's Corps 

New York Volunteers. . . . 
King's Royal Reg't of N. Y. 
King's Carolina Volunteers 

















1 I 

1 39 

6 1 37 
| 2 

1 ! 5 


•• 1 7 
.. | 6 
11 42 

2 7 
.. | 6 


1 ! 


3 1. 15 





24 210 

Grand total 





97 | 174 I 1521 

1 1 1 

Of the forty-one military corps enumerated in these lists, 
twenty-four were British regulars, sixteen were Loyalist corps 
and there were a few Hessians. The proportion of Loyalist troops 
disbanded at Shelburne was small. The latter were, for the 
most part, disbanded on the River St. John, and became settlers 
in the Province of New Brunswick. Some of the 3rd New 
.Jersey Volunteers went to Shelburne with their commander, 
Lieut.-Col. Abraham Van Buskirk, but the majority settled on 
the River St. John at Fredericton and in the vicinity. 

Colonel Tarleton's famous British Legion was disbanded at 
Port Matoon and at Shelburne, although few remained perman- 
ently at either place. 


The disbanded soldiers at Shelburne were settled chiefly in 
Parr's division at the northern end of the town. Their 'ot9 
were drawn on the 22nd of November,* so that they were able 
to make little preparation for the winter. 

During the summer of 1783, and for some time after, there 
was a considerable garrison at Shelburne, for the preservation of 
order and for the protection of the place in case of emergency. 
Sir Guy Carleton's instructions to Lieut. Lawson, dated April 
19th, were to select immediately on his arrival a suitable place 
for a military post. The post is thus described by Col. Robert 
Morse, in his report to Sir Guy Carleton of the state of the 
defences of Xova Scotia in 1784^ 

" Upon the westernmost point of the Narrows (now called 
Point Carleton) the detachment of artillery that went with the 
first settlers took post, and the artillery stores were landed there ; 
good log barracks have since been built for officers and 100 men, 
besides covering for all military stores." 

We learn further from Morse's report, that fifty-one guns of 
various sizes were mounted at Point Carleton, the largest of them 
24-pounders. Further up the harbor, opposite the town, on the 
tongue of land dividing the north-east from the north-west arm, 
good log barracks were built for 300 men and framed buildings 
for the officers. The 17th and 6th Regiments successively 
occupied these barracks — the latter for five years. During the 
first winter there were five companies of the 37th Regiment at 
Shelburne. This we learn from the following letter to Benjamin 
Marston from Edward Winslow, who was private secretary to 
General Campbell : 

" Halifax, May 30, 1784. 

" Dear Marston, — I find by the instructions which regulate 
the conduct of General Campbell, that he is desirous to contribute 
all in his power to facilitate communication between the settle- 
ments in Nova Scotia, and to assist the new settlers in making 
roads, &c, and I know it to be his inclination to comply with 
his instructions ; and I also know that he manifests a kind of 
partiality, or predilection, or whatever else you please to call it, 
for your city of Shelburne. The general and myself are to 

* Dr. T. Watson Smith gives the date of this drawing as November 13th, 
but in all probabilities that Riven in Marston's diary is more exact. 
•j- See Canadian Archives for 1884, p. xlii. 


make the tour of the province. I shall set off the fourth of 
Juno for Annapolis, where both of us will remain some time. 
There are at that place about 300 men of the 57th Regiment, and 
you have five companies of the 37th at Shelburne. Now I shall 
propose that the General shall immediately employ both these 
detachments in opening the communication between Annapolis 
and Shelburne. * * * * 

" This object to me appears important, and in my idea a 
business may be effected in one season, with the military assist- 
ance, without which it must be attended with immense expense 
and long delay. * * * * 

" I am, with every sentiment of affection and esteem, 

" Yours, 

" Ed. Winslow." 

A road was opened, not long after, from Shelburne to 
Annapolis, but it was never a good highway, and was soon 
abandoned.* The troops at Shelburne made a road around the 
north-east arm, over which they used to march three miles to 

Marsfbn's assistant surveyor, Lyman, was probably the first 
to explore the route between Shelburne and Annapolis, and he 
found the task very difficult. It may be said, with truth, that 
the problem of land communication between Shelburne and the 
other towns of Xova Scotia engaged the attention of its citizens 
for over one hundred years, and has been only lately solved by 
the construction of the N. S. Southern Railway. 

One of the most important officials at Shelburne at the time 
it was founded was the commissary, Edward Brinley. He fixed 
his headquarters on the island in front of the town, called in 
consequence Commissary's Island. Here three large framed 
storehouses were built as a provision depot, from which 8,000 
Loyalists and disbanded soldiers were " victualled " by the 
British government. Full rations were allowed for the first year, 
two-thirds for the second year, and one-third for the third year. 

Mr. Brinley's office was no sinecure. He was obliged to 
muster and enroll the Loyalists on their arrival, in order to keep 
b proper account of the provisions distributed to them. Like 

* In " Cabotia " (an old map of Nova Scotia and the provinces adjacent, 
printed in 1814) this road is laid down with the remark appended, "Impassable 
Track called Peel's Road, cut in 1784, but now covered with young trees." 


Marston, he had an endless variety of daily vexations. On a 
certain occasion, he confined a man for what he deemed good 
reason. The man, however, brought an action against him at 
the Court of General Sessions of the Peace, held in Liverpool, 
for false imprisonment. Brinley was about to proceed to Liver- 
pool to defend himself, when nearly 2,000 Loyalists arrived from 
Xew York, who had all to be mustered and enrolled before they 
could receive provisions. Two ships loaded with supplies 
arrived at the same time. As he had no' assistant, Brinley could 
not leave his post. In consequence, the man who brought the 
action was awarded £42 damages for about an hour's confine- 
ment. The commissary wrote to Edward Winslow : 

" I have refused to pay it, and in consequence the only two 
lots of land I have in the world are advertised for sale and 
myself liable to be carried to Liverpool jail. If this is justice 
the Lord keep me clear of the province." 

Marston mentions the Rev. Mr. Walter in his diary, and 
says that there was a meeting of the members of the Church of 
England on Michaelmas day, the 29th September, to choose 
wardens and vestry. The moving spirit in this first attempt at 
church organization no doubt was Mr. Walter, who had lately 
come to Shelburne. 

There is, however, a long story connected with the establish- 
ment of the Church of England in Shelburne. The particulars 
are to be found in the voluminous correspondence preserved in 
the S. P.* G. archives in London. The leading facts, in what 
was at the time a painful controversy, will be found in the 
appendix to this paper. 

The Presbyterian element at Shelburne was not inconsider- 
able. Marston wrote to Governor Parr, on the 2nd September, 
desiring his instructions as to the location of the Presbyterian 
meeting house. Three weeks later he recommended sites suit- 
able for church edifices for the Episcopalians and Presbyterians. 

An interesting and important fact, established by Marston's 
journal, is that while the larger portion of the Loyalists came 
in fleets under convoy of British frigates, many arrived in trans- 
port ships that came singly or in twos and threes. There was 


in fact a constant succession of arrivals, which did not cease 
until the evacuation of New York in December. 

We find Marston on June 29th engaged in laying out lots 
for new comers, among them a company of over one hundred 
Loyalists, under Captain Moses Pitcher.* On July 2nd a single 
vessel arrived from New York. On July 25th three transports 
arrived with ninety families. 

While most of the settlers came in transport ships provided 
by government, others came as passengers at their own expense. 
The advertisements in the New York Morning Post, Rivington's 
Gazette, and other papersf show that there was ample 
opportunity for engaging private passage. See the following: 

For Port Roseway. 
The Brig Tyger 
Sails in a few Days. For freight or passage apply to McAdam, 
Watson & Go's office. 

New York, August 5, 1783. 

" For Port Roseway and St. Johns the sloop Industry, Wm. 
Marquis, master. For freight or passage apply to Mr. Van 
Duzer, near the White Hall Stairs. 

New York, June 12, 1783. 

" For Port Roseway or St. Johns (in Nova Scotia). The fast 
sailing schooner Polly, Adam Watson, master, of about 50 tons 

New York, July 31, 1783. 

" Just arrived from St. Johns and to sail again for that port 
in a few days (to touch first at Port Roseway) the brig " Lovely 
Lass," John Keaquick, master, now lying at Roaches Wharf, a 
few wharfs below the Coffee-house, where she is now taking in. 
For Freight or Passage apply to the master on board, to< Messrs. 
Hughes & Montgomery, or to the printers. She has excellent 
accomodations for passengers." 

New York, October 10, 1783. 

* Moses Pitcher was a native of Boston. He left New York. June 16, for 
Shelburne, accompanied by his family and five servants He received a farm, 
town and water lot. 

t The extracts here given were lately copied by the writer of this paper from 
old newspapers now in the British Museum in London. 


Those Loyalists who came in the government transports were 
subject to certain regulations issued by the Commander-in-Chief 
and signed by the Adjutant Geenral, Oliver de Lancey. All 
embarkations were superintended by a Board of Commissioners, 
of whom Col. Abijah Willard was the secretary. No person 
was permitted to embark as a Refugee who had not resided twelve 
months within the British Lines, without a special passport from 
Sir Guy Carleton. Advertisements such as the following were 
inserted in the New York papers by the Adjutant General: 

" All persons desirous to leave New York, are to give in their 
Names at the Adjutant-General's Office, with a list of their 
families, expressing the place of their former residence, and 
where they wish to be removed to. 

(Signed) Ol. De Lancey, Adjt.-Gcn'l. 

Notices were from time to time issued to expedite the em- 
barkation of the Loyalists, as it was found many were delaying, 
and time was rapidly passing. One of these notices follows : 
" City Hall, New York, 5th July, 1783. 

" Whereas numbers of those persons who have entered their 
names at the Adjutant Generals Office for passages from this 
Place to the Provinces of Nova Scotia, Canada or elsewhere have 
neglected to produce their Recommendations to the Gentlemen 
appointed by His Excellency the Commander in Chief to examine 
the same, Notice is therefore given to those persons and others 
that unless they avail themselves of the earliest conveyances 
pointed out to them, no attention can afterwards be paid to their 

" {Signed) Abijah Willard/' 

Some of the troops which were disbanded at Shelburne 
arrived early in September, but the majority did not arrive until 
the 23rd of that month. In the same fleet came Hamilton's and 
Sullivan's companies of Loyalists, whom Marston designates as 
" the worst we've had yet." This fleet is commonly known as 
" the Fall fleet." We learn from an old newspaper that it left 
New York on Monday, the 15th September, and that the vessels 
of the fleet, with three others that were nearly ready to sail, 
carried 8,000 souls, together with large sums in cash and dry 
goods. Not all of these people came to Shelburne, a good many 
went to Annapolis, and about 2,000, chiefly Loyalist troops, to 
the River St. John. 


As the short days of the fall came on Marston's respon- 
sibilities and anxieties increased. On the loth of October he 
reports the arrival of a ship with 50 families and, two* days later, 
'* more settlers arrived." These seem to have included the com- 
panies of Captains Wright and Ackerman, about 250 persons, 
l )ctober 14th another ship arrived, and on the 23rd there were 
further arrivals. The immigration to Shelburne was not much 
checked, apparently, by the discouraging reports from time to 
time received from those who had gone there earlier in the 
season, of which the following paragraph in a Philadelphia 
journal is a specimen: 

" Many of the refugees who have settled at Port-Roseway 
have wrote to their friends in New York by no means to come 
to that place." 

The enforced emigration of the refugees was a subject of 
amusement to the Yankee wits of the period. One of their 
papers, the New Jersey Journal, contained a parody, entitled, 
" The Tory's Soliloquy." It began : 

" To go or not to go; that is the question, 
Whether it were best to trust the inclement sky 
That scowls indignant; or the dreary Bay 
Of Fundy and Cape Sable's rscks and shoals, 
And seek onr new domains in Scotia's wilds, 
Barren and bare, or stay among the rebels, 
And by our stay rouse up their keenest rage." 

As already stated, the general plan of the town of Shelburne 
was considerably modified on account of the arrival of the un- 
expectedly large number of Loyalists. The reservation intended 
for the South Common had to be laid out for these later Loyal- 
ists, and that at the other end of the town for the disbanded 
soldiers. Many who arrived in October spent the winter on 
board the vessels at the cove, others in temporary huts erected 
on the commons, which were then in a wooded state. Some 
few unfortunates were obliged to live in tents until the following 

Interesting facts connected with the sailing of the transports 
from New York to Port Roseway are contained in a collection 
of papers relating to the evacuation of New York, published in 


the manual of the corporation of the City of New York for 1870. 
To this valuable historic collection we are indebted for the notices 
that- follow : 

Robert Wilkins Company. 

" Those persons who have entered their Names to go to Port 
Roseway under the conduct of the subscriber, are hereby re- 
quested to appear in the Forenoon of this day on board the 
Apollo, now lying at Goodrich's Wharf, in order to regulate 
their accommodations on board. . Such persons as refuse or 
neglect complying with this notice must abide the consequences. 

" Robert Wilkins. 

" New York, July 5, 1783." 

John Van Norden's Company. 

" The Loyalists engaged with John Van Norden* to go to 
Port-Rosew r ay, are directed to have their baggage ready for 
embarkation at the Fly Market, by nine o'clock this morning; 
they are also requested to assemble at his lodgings, No. 411 
Murray's Street, about six o'clock in the evening. 

" New York, Wednesday, August 13, 1783." 

Thomas Leonard's Company. 

" This is to inform the Loyalists that have signed under 
Thomas Leonardf for Port Roseway, that the ship Friendship 
is appointed for them, lying in the North River opposite the 
Wood yard, and ready for the reception of their baggage, and 
it's requested that they will be on board by the 19th instant. 

" New York, September 17, 1783." 

Daniel Wright's Company. 

" Daniel Wright informs the people who have signed,' his List 
for Port Roseway, that if they are not on board this day, before 
Twelve o'Clock, their Room will be filled with People from the 
Army, as it is not to be expected that the Ship should lye by 
the Wharf for no other purpose than to indulge indolent people. 
It may be depended upon that this is the last Notice that may 
be expected from me. 

" New York, September 17, 1783." 

* John Van Xorden was an officer in the New Jersey Volunteers. He came 
to Shelburne with his family and two servants. He was afterwards an instructor 
at King's College, Windsor. Eventually he went to Virginia, where he filled 
several public positions. 

f Thomas Leonard of Freehold, New Jersey, was a pronounced Loyalist. 
He removed to St. John, X. B., of which city he was a grantee. 

252 new brunswick historical society. 

Robert Appleby's Company. 

' Those Loyalists who have enrolled themselves in the Com- 
pany of Robert Appleby* for Port Roseway, are desired to be 
on board the ship Williams, Capt. Potts, lying at the Commis- 
sary's Wharf, near the Fly Market, this afternoon at Three 
o'Clock to answer to their names. Those who neglect comply- 
ing with this information, will have their names returned to the 
Board, and be precluded from their Passage at the Expense of 

" New York, September 20,' 1783." 

Captain Aymar's Company. 

" This is to inform the Loyalists that have signed in Captain 
AmyaVsf Company for Port Roseway, that they must have 
their baggage on board the Nancy, lying at the Ordnance Wharf, 
on Monday next, if not their Names will be returned to the 
Board and other people taken in to supply their places and never 
hereafter be allowed a passage by Government. 

'" Xew York, September 27, 1783." 

Patrick Wall's Company. 

" All Loyalists who have enrolled their names in Mr. Wall's 
Company to go to Port Roseway, are earnestly requested to get 
their baggage on board the Kingston, John Atkinson, Master. 
Persons for non-appearance on that day will have their names 
erased off the List and deprived from the like opportunity of 
conveyance at the expense of the Government. 

" Pat Wall.J 

" Xew York, September 30, 1783." 

Richard Jenkin's Company. 

" Notice to all those that are to be shipmates with me in my 
Company not forget this night to drink to your Wives and 

* Robert Appleby, of Philadelphia, came to Shelburne with his family of 
six persons and one servant. His estimated losses in the Revolution were £600. 

r John Aymar, of Xew York, who came to Shelburne with his family of five 
and one servant. 

2 Patrick Wall was a native of Ireland, who came to America and settled in 
Boston in 1766. He was a pronounced Loyalist, and on the day of Bunker Hill 
engagement was committed to gaol for four months, and, upon his release from 
prison, confined to his house for nearly a year longer for having adhered to the 
enemies of the State. In November, 1777, he went to New York, whence he came 
to Shelburne in October, 1783. He was a tailor by trade, and kept a shop in 


Sweet-hearts, as I expect them, one and all, on board tomorrow 
morning to turn the windless and have a pleasant sail to Staten 
Island, as there is no time to be lost. Wind and tide waits for 

Richard Jenkins.* 
" Xew York, October 4, 1783.'' 

The demands made upon his time probably prevented Ben- 
jamin Marston from keeping a systematic daily record after the 
close of the year 1783. He evidently expected to make his home 
at Shelburne, and to that end built a house on his lot, which he 
shared for a time with Lieut.-Colonel Van Buskirk and his 

The population of Shelburne was probably at its maximum 
during the first winter. A few Loyalists arrived at a later 
period, but their coming was more than counter-balanced by the 
removal of others, particularly of the disbanded soldiers. 

Authorities differ as to the maximum population of Shel- 
burne. In November, 1784, Governor Parr estimated the inhabit- 
ants of the district of Shelburne at 10,000 souls, and this seems 
to have been usually accepted as the maximum. In 1844 Bishop 
John Inglis writes : 

" I have lately been at Shelburne, where nearly 10,000 
Loyalists, chiefly from New York, and comprising many of my 
father's parishioners, attracted by the beauty and serenity of a 
noble harbor, were tempted to plant themselves." 

We have, however, some exaggerated statements, of which 
the following, taken from " An Account of the Present State of 
Nova Scotia," printed at Edinburgh in 1786, is a fair specimen: 

''' The town is perhaps one of the largest in the new world, 
containing almost 3,000 houses, regularly built, having 15 streets 
in right lines from north to south, and 30 from east to west 
crossing the former at right angles ; the number of inhabitants 
amounting to 13,000. Opposite to Shelburne is Birch-town, 
peopled by the negroes from New York, about 1,400 in number.'' 

* Richard Jenkins was a native of London, England. He was mate of a ship 
from 1763 until he settled in New York. He joined the British army in New 
Jersey in December, 1776, and was considered a zealous Loyalist. He married 
in 1774 the widow of Willelmus Poppledorff, who had some property, and came 
with him to Shelburne. 


Governor Parr gives the following flattering account in a 
letter to Lord Shelburne : 

" Halifax, 16th December, 1783. 
"My Lord, — * * * * * * * * ' * * ' * 

" The great Emigration of Loyalists from New York and 
other parts of the continent to this Province is now at an end 
I believe, at least for this winter. It is impossible to ascertain 
the exact number, but they do not fall short of 30,000 souls, to 
whom 1 have rendered every service and paid every attention in 
my power, which they have gratefully acknowledged, a few 
worthless characters excepted. 

" Several new Towns are almost completed, the most con- 
siderable, most flourishing and most expeditious that ever was 
built in so short a time is Shelburne. 800 houses are already 
finished, 600 more in great forwardness, and several hundred 
lately begun upon, with wharfs and other erections. There are 
upwards of 12,000 Inhabitants, about 100 sail of Vessels, a most 
beautiful situation, the Land good, and the fairest and best 
Harbour in the world. I have not a doubt of its being one day 
or other the first Port in this part of America. It is much 
superior to Halifax in many points. ******* 

" I beg my compliments to Lady Shelburne, and have the 
honor to be, my Lord, 

" Your Lordship's 

" faithful humble Servant. 

" The Right Honorable 

" The Earl of Shelburne." 

J. Parr. 

Another exaggerated statement respecting Shelburne will be 
found in Anthony Lockwood's " Brief Description of Nova 
Scotia," printed in 1818, in which Mr. Lockwood quotes a state- 
ment of the Hon. Charles Morris, the then surveyor-general of 
Xova Scotia, * to the following effect : 

" At the close of the Revolutionary War in 1783, many 
thousand Loyalist families emigrated to this quarter. Pleased 
with the spacious harbor, they commenced forming the town. 
These infatuated people expended their fortunes in extravagant 
buildings. In 1784 the population exceeded 12,000 inhabitants, 
and in October, 1816, there were only 374 persons in the town 

* This was the third Charles Morris to fill the office of Surveyor-general. 
Anthony Lockwood was his deputy. 


and suburbs. Disappointed in their views to attract hither the 
leading people of -Nova Scotia, and make this the seat of Govern- 
ment and the emporium of the Province, most of them returned 
to the United States, or settled in other parts of the country. 
These people, in the frenzy of enthusiasm were led to imagine that 
a great town, with spacious streets and commodious buildings, 
would attract the stranger and pave the way to its greatness. 
In the short space of two years they had dissipated their fortunes, 
amounting it is supposed to no less than 500,000 pounds. Happy 
indeed would it have been if the late Surveyor-General had suc- 
ceeded in His strenuous attempts to encourage these loyal people 
at the time of their emigration, to settle along the coast in the 
neighbourhood of Guysborough, at the eastern extremity of the 
Province, where the lands are exceedingly good, and the fortunes 
they possessed would have enabled them to purchase extensive 
and valuable farms." 

The muster made by order of Major General Campbell, in 
1784, of Loyalists, disbanded troops and negroes, who were 
entitled to the royal bounty of provisions, gives the number at 
Shelburne as 7,923. Probably there were, in addition, a few 
hundred adventurers and some officials and others who did not 
draw T rations. But making reasonable allowance for these, and 
even throwing the soldiers of the garrison into the scale, it is 
doubtful if the population of Shelburne ever amounted to 10,000 

The muster at Shelburne, as already mentioned, was made 
by William Porter, and the book in which it was summarized 
is now in possession of the writer of this paper. Some of the 
Loyalists came" from the Carolinas, a few from Penobscot, but 
the great majority were from New York, whither they had 
gravitated from all parts of the old colonies as the war progress- 
ed. Prior to sailing to Nova Scotia, the Loyalists were enrolled 
in companies, by order of Sir Guy Carleton, and a captain 
appointed over each. Some of the companies were large enough 
to require an entire ship for their accommodation. The names 
of about twenty captains of companies are given in Marston's 
diary, but in William Porter's muster rolls we find the names 
of more than fifty. In a few cases the musters made by Com- 
missary Brinley have been preserved, and the figures are rather 
larger than those of Porter's muster some months later. For 



example, the number in Captain Barclay's company, as mustered 
by Brinley on its arrival at Shelburne, was 104, in Porter's 
muster 99. Similarly Capt. Bridges' company of blacks de- 
creased from 85 to 72, and Fraction's company of blacks from 
58 to 55. The decrease is easily accounted for. There were a 
good many deaths during the winter. Some of the poorer 
people went to Halifax for employment, others engaged in the 
fishery, and made no attempt to settle their lands. Some, even 
at this early period, returned to the United States, discouraged 
at the outlook. As all these were excluded from Mr. Porter's 
muster roll, it is evident that it did not include all who, at one 
time or another, lived at She burne. The instructions issued to 
the muster-masters were to exclude from their rolls those who 
were not actually settled on the lands allotted them, or were not 
making preparations for settlement. 

It has been customary to include under the term "Loyalists" 
all who received " the King's provisions," but it is only right to 
state that among these were included disbanded soldiers of the 
British army, Hessians and negroes. Even in the British 
American regiments there were enrolled a considerable number 
of emigrants from England, Scotland and Ireland, who had not 
been many years in America when the war began. 

Many of the captains of the companies of Loyalists who 
came to Port Roseway have already been mentioned in this 
paper ; others are mentioned in the notes appended to the list 
which follows : 

Loyalists Mustered at Shelburne in 1784. 


Goldsbury's . . , 


Dole's (1).. .. 
Barclay's. . . . 
Turnbull's . . . 
Robinson's . . 
Grosvenor's (2) 
Rashley's. . . . 



I Children 



above ten 

under ten 






1 8 





1 21 





! I7 





1 is 










1 21 










1 17 1 




Loyalists Mustered at Shelburne — Continued. 


Lowndes' . . . 
Courtney* . . . 
Potter's (3) . . . 
R. Courtney's . 
Murray's (4) 
MofTatt's (5) 


Shakspear's. . . 
Hartley's (6) . 
Stewart's . . . 







Cameron's . . . 
Van Norden's . 
Sullivan's . . . 
Hamilton's . . . 



Nutter's (7) . 
Kirk's (8) . . . 
Ackerman's. . . 
Leonard's . . . 
Dower's (9). . . 
Pell's (10) . . . 
Bell's (11) .. . 
Minshull's (12) 


Thomas's . . . 
Ward's (13).. . 



Appleby's . . . 
Aymar's. . . . . 

































above ten 




















under ten 











































Loyalists Mustered at Shelburne — Continued. 






Loring's . . . 

Persons not in any Comp'y 




above ten 

under ten 





4 e 




















* From St. Augustines. 

(1). James Dole, of Albany, New York, merchant. Losses on account of 
his loyalty estimated at £12,000. Came to Shelburne with his family of six 
and eight servants. 

(2). Benjamin Grosvenor, farmer. In 1782, one of the Loyalists Asso- 
ciators at New York, to settle at Shelburne with his family of seven. 

(3). James Potter, of New York. Came to Shelburne with his family of 
eight persons, and received a farm, town and water lot. 

(4). This was very probably Alexander Murray, who came from Scotland 
to America in 1762, and when the war broke out was living at Osborne, Virginia. 
He traded in his own ships to the West Indies. He was tried by the rebel com- 
mittee in 1775 for giving assistance to the British, and a vessel he had on the 
stocks was seized. He joined the Royal army in 1780 as guide to a party which 
took and destroyed the American shipping at Osborne. After the capture of 
Cornwallis he came to New York, and was employe^! at a pilot on board men-of- 
war. The officers of the Queens Rangers testify to his character and exertions. 

(5). Probably James Moffat, of Rhode Island. Came to Shelburne with 
his family of five and four servants, and received grants of 50 acres, one town 
and one water lot. Estimated losses £300. 

(6). Thomas Hartley, a Loyalist Associator at New York, in 1782, to settle 
at Shelburne with his family of five persons. 

(7). Valentine Nutter, of New York, bookseller. He was granted a town 
and water lot. Estimated^osses £2,000. 

(8). Samuel Kirk, of Philadelphia, merchant. Came to Shelburne with his 
family of nine and two servants. 

(9). Joseph Dowers, of New York. Came to Shelburne with his family of 
six persons. Estimated losses £400. 

(10). Joshua Pell, farmer, of New York, a Loyalist Associator at New 
York, in 1782, to settle at Shelburne with his family of fourteen persons. 

(11). Joseph Bell, born in England; came to New York before the Revo- 
lution. At the peace came to Shelourne with his family of three and one servant. 
Removed to Yarmouth and died there in 1829, aged 89 years. 

(12). John Minshull, of New York, a leading merchant at Shelburne, where 
he built the largest house in town. Died in London, in 1822. 


(13). Edmund Ward, of East Chester, N. Y. In 1775 was ordered to sign 
an association and take part with the rebels, but refused. He was kept for 
many weeks a prisoner and suffered much, but eventually made his escape to New 
York, where he remained until the evacuation. Sir Guy Carleton appointed him 
to the command of a company of Loyalists bound to Shelburne. He abandoned a 
valuable property in the State of New York. 

Taking up once again Benjamin Marston's journal of events 
at Shelburne, we find but brief entries for the 'next few months, 
although facts of considerable interest are recorded : 
" Hail to the New Year, 1784, 

" Saturday, January 3. Fine mild weather — two cold days 
excepted about Christmas. Made up a packet for the Surveyor 
General containing a plan of all the Water lots and a list of the 
original locatees. Wrote the Governor." 

" Friday, 16. Enclosed to Mr. Morris a plan from 500 acre 
lot No. 6, west side Roseway, to Durfy's grant." 

" Monday, 19. Sent out Mr John Van Norden to lay out 6 
farms, beginning on the line of the Commons. This evening 
a Ball was held at McGragh's tavern in honour of the Queen's 
birthday. About 50 gentlemen and ladies, among whom was 
the Hon. Cap'n Stanhope* and Lady, danced, drank tea, played 
at cards, in a house which stood where six months ago there was 
an almost impenetrable swamp — so great has been the exertions 
of the settlers in this new world. The room was commodious 
and warm, tho' in the rough.. The whole was conducted with 
good humor and general satisfaction." 

" Thursday, 22. Yesterday dined on board the Mercury. 
Tarried on board all night on account of the ice, being about the 
shore so as to make it dangerous landing in the dark. Captain 
Stanhope a very well bred man, master of the whole etiquette 
of polite ceremony. His main scope is to appear of importance 
on every occasion, which unavoidably leads him to make himself 
a little hero of each tale. Upon the whole he is not a disagree- 
able man in company, and may, by a little tickling of his vanity, 
be induced to serve this settletnent very essentially." 

" Saturday, 24. Gave Capt. Lowndes' Company course and 
distance to Barrington." 

" Wednesday, February 4. The state of buildings in this 
town is as follows; viz., 231 framed houses, 816 log houses, 80 
on the Commons — temporary for the winter only, 30 or there- 
abouts on the 50 acre lots round the harbour; total 1,157. All 
this since 9th May last. Captain Lowndes Company, sick of 
their voyage have returned." 

* Hon. H. E. Stanhope, commander of H. M. S'. " Mercury." 


" Thursday. 5. Wrote to Charles Morris, Esq., for infor- 
mation respecting Argyle and Barrington boundaries, and 
whether people from here might be located on vacant lands 
within their lines." 

" February 16. Memo, of measurements on the ice. 

" Ffoot of King- Street across to the opposite shore, course 
S. W. 79 ; distance from high water marks, 1,760 feet. 

" Measured from the Landing- right below the Barrack to 
the South point of the same Island and to the line of the eastern- 
most side 1,380 feet. Ben. Marston. 

" From 50 acre lot No. 34, west side, to old Courtney's stone 
house, X. E. 69 , 3,000 feet. Tully." 

" February 23. Wrote Charles Morris, Esq., requesting 
information respecting my powers under the Commission appoint- 
ing me Registrar of the Court of Probate, also requesting the 
quantity of land for the False Passage settlers. Wrote George 
Allen for paper, &c." 

" March 31. Memo, of plans returned to the Surveyor 
General's office in the packet, Capt. Casey. 

" I. A plan for 500 acre lot No. 6 to the N. line of the 
town ; the six 500 acre lots. Fifteen 50 acre lots. Six irregular 
lots of different contents, marked, A, B, C, D, E y F, assigned as 
follows : — A to the Mill Company of Miller and others, B to 
Captain Pell, C to Colonel Campbell,* D to Captain Bell, E to 
B. Marston, F to J. Pynchon. 

" 2. Bow-Wood, the Governor's farm below the town. 

" 3. Plan of the 50 acre lots from Birch-Town to Durfy's. 
Duffy's & Sons location of 550 acres' No. 72. Colonel Buskirk's 
500 acres No. 73. Mr. Lawson's 100 acres No. 74. 

" 4. A plan containing the thirty four fifty acre lots from 
the Herring Falls downwards on the west shore, and nine 500 
acre lots running from said Falls up the river — also 3 farms, 
marked A, B, C, lying on the North West river (or Birch-Town 
river). A on the east side to Charles Mason, B on the west to 
Isaac Grey, C on the West side and north of B to Henry Elvins 
— a line from the Lower Falls of Birch-Town river running 

* Colonel Samuel Campbell was a native of Wilmington, in North Carolina, 
and in business there as a merchant when the Revolution began. He with others 
organized a company adverse to the Rebels. In 1781 he joined Colonel Craig at 
Wilmington, and at the evacuation of the town went with the British to Charleston, 
and was then commissioned by General Leslie on November 24th, 1781, Colonel 
of Militia on James Island. At the evacuation of Charleston came to Nova Scotia 
,inri --fit Uf] for a time at Shelburne. 


N. \\ . i6° (Mason says i8°, but the projection makes it but 
i6°J, then 153 chains 70 links comes to the S. E. corner of 
Gray s grant. 

"5. A plan of 25 farm lots on the west side of Rosaway 
river, beginning at the north line of the 500 acre lot No. 9 and 
running northerly. 

" 6. Plan of the 3 small islands below the town, south of 
the navy islands. 

" For three months past my time has been taken up returning 
plans, regulating the companies who are taking up land in the 
country, entering locations and attending to daily complaints 
and applications of one kind and another." 

" April 1. Today have been in the woods examining the 
north line of the 50 acre lots above town. These lots will be 
pinched a little in breadth, for which reason they must be ex- 
tended in length." 

" Monday, 5. State of Law in Sheiburne, or rather the very 
beginning of it. 

"Justices of the Common Pleas: — Abraham Van Buskirk is 
a gentleman and man of good understanding, has been in service 
all the war and is yet more the soldier than the Lawyer. J. 
Pyncheon does not want understanding, but is very timorous and, 
as timorous creatures generally are, cunning; he shows the New 
England man very plainly in his manner. 

"Now for the Sessions of the Peace: — The two above 
mentioned, to which add Mr. Justice McEwen, an old niain top 
bow line; a Mr. Justice Thomson an old white oak chip; a Mr. 
Justice Brewer, bred a merchant, has good natural parts which 
have been improved by education, calculated to make a con- 
spicuous figure in his own line and he has ambition and capacity 
to make a useful and judicious magistrate, but at present rather 

" Pleaders. A dismounted dragoon officer of Tarleton's,* 
his acquirements in law knowledge not much below the surface, 

his name J. S r. A Mr. D n and a Mr. G — rd — 1, I put 

them both together for their acquirements are about equal — the 
latter the most sensible, indeed the first is a fool — cant spell com- 
mon English, passes at present for a half-pay officer, the truth 
of which remains to be proved. These are the deputies by whom 
at present we must implead one another. Add to these Com- 
modore Stanhope, who far exceeds them all." 

* Lieut. -Colonel Banistre Tarleton commanded the British Legion during the 
Revolutionary War. The corps was chiefly composed of Loyalists and included 
both cavalry and infantry. 


'Tuesday, 13. Sent plan of wharf lots, with the locations 
from King Street to George Street and of north Navy Island." 
" Sunday, 18. Inclosed for the Surveyor GenTs office, plan 
of all water lots round the cove and quite to lower end of town." 
' Tuesday, 27. Last Friday I went down to the False Pas- 
sage : surveyed the front line of the old settlers and set up 
McNutt's* boundary. Came home yesterday. Today rectifying 
mistakes at the north end, as the foundation for laying out new 
lots back of town." 

" Wednesday, 28. Same business." 
'' Thursday, 29. Attending probate business." 
" Friday, 30. Foul weather ; at home protracting surveys, 
preparing certificates for the grants and answering impertinent 
questions till about 10 p. m." 

Marston's journal makes mention of the laying out of "Bow- 
Wood,'' the Governor's farm of 500 acresi a short distance below 
the town. It seems that some of the Governor's enemies made 
invidious remarks about this grant, which Parr resented, and in 
his letter to the Secretary of State, of the 13th August states 
emphatically that he has not taken for himself, family or friends, 
a single acre, except this 500 acre tract about a mile and a half 
from Shelburne, where he proposed to build a small house near 
a little cove, to w r hich he could go once a year; the land about 
it worth little or nothing ; his idea being that the capital of Nova 
Scotia might one day be removed to Shelburne. 

With the opening spring we find Mr. Marston again busily 
engaged in his surveys. These now included the environs of 
Shelburne. Lands were laid out for settlement between the 
Roseway and Jordan rivers, and on the west side of the harbour 
from Point Carleton down to Cape Negro, and some settlers 
were located to the east of the Jordan river. 

Writing to Col. Edward Winslow, February 6th, Marston 
says : 

" I am in as perfect good health as a reasonable mortal can 
wish, but almost dinned to death for Town lots and Water lots, 
for 50 acre lots and 500 acre lots. My head is so full of triangles, 
squares, parallelograms, trapezias and rhomboids, that the corners 
do sometimes almost put my eyes out. However I thank God 

• Colonel Alexander McNutt was an energetic colonizer and the prince of 
landholders. See Collections Nova Scotia 'Historical Society, Vol. VII, pp. 68, 69. 


the}' are there. Had it not been for them I should by this time 
have starved to death, or, what is ten times worse, have been the 
burden and pity of my friends." 

Marston's relations with the Shelburne people did not im- 
prove, and one cannot but suspect he was a little more dictatorial 
in his manners towards them than was in his own interest. The 
journal shall again tell the story: 

"Saturday, May I. In the woods till 4 p. m. running the 
base lines for lots to be laid out." 

" Sunday, 2. Made plan of the locations on east side Jordan 
river from McLean's up to Richard Whites ; ditto of three loca- 
tions on Sullivan's Point, viz., Abraham Stevens, Oliver Camp- 
bell and Dr. Sullivan. Wrote Mr. Morris of many things, but 
took no copy, had not time. Desired Capt. Minshull and Capt. 
Nutter to furnish 4 men each to run lines for streets for loca- 
tions yet wanted. Minshull sent none, Capt. Nutter 4, but they 
would not work without pay." 

: ' Tuesday, 4. Desired all the captains, who had not the 
locating of their companies compleat, to meet me at Steel's to 
fix a method for having a working party of 8 men only each day 
to lav out town lots for their companies. I notified 15, met only 
6. They agreed to furnish the men, and said they would fix the 
terms among themselves." 

" Friday, 7. Have not seen a man at work yet of those pro- 
mised by the captains. Wrote Mr. Morris ; sent him a plan of 
the Leg and Foot with certificates of 8 locations on it." 

"Saturday, 15. Wrote Charles Morris, Esq.; sent my 
quarterly account to 31st March. Wrote to Mr. Morris about 
Justice McEwen having location on the 3,000 acre Island." 

" Tuesdav, 18. Had prepared to assist Capt. Pell* in draw- 
ing for the Farm lots for 234 persons, but the party who stopped 
the first 15, some time ago have prevailed against the drawing, 

* Joshua Pell was a native of New York, nrl lived at a place called Pelham 
Manor. At the commencement of the war -he tried all in his power to convince 
the Rebel? they were wrong in opposing Government, and he thereby made himself 
obnoxious to them. At the time the troubles began he was 1st lieutenant 1 of the 
militia of Pelham. and New Rochelle, and. when the Americans took up arms his 
company almost to a man chose bim captain, but he declined serving in the cause 
of rebellion. He remained in Xew York Province, where ne was at various times 
employed as a guide, and was of signal service to the British army. He joined 
the British troops soon after they landed at Xew York, and made excursions to 
collect information which migrht b° useful to them. He commanded a company 
of city militia in Xew York. He was obliged to abandon very valuable possessions 
for which he afterwards received a measure of compensation from the British 


notwithstanding the Governor's last order in favor of those 15. 
This cursed levelling spirit must be crushed by every means or 
we shall be for rebellion soon." 

"Friday, 21. Sent to Halifax a plan of the front of the 
Publick Square below Water St, also about 3 sheets of remarks 
on various papers referred to me from the "Governor and Sur- 
veyor General." 

*' Wednesday, 26. Yesterday laid out 100 acres for Potts 
and Craig between Bow-Wood and the 50 acre lots. Today 
waiting- on Governor Wentworth."* 

" Thursday, 27. Probate Court this morning with Gov'r. 
Wentworth. P. M. dined with him at G. Th s." 

" Friday, 28. Over the River with Governor Wentworth up 
to the upper saw mill, returned about 4 p. m." 

'" Wednesday, June 2. With Lieut. Lawson running lines of 
the reserved ground on the West side of the river." ' 

" Thursday, 3. Sent three plans to the Surveyor GenTs 
office : ( 1 ) the locations on the east side Jordan's river from R. 
White's down, with back lines run out; (2) a sketch of what 
might be done with the square before the middle block; (3) 
Craig & Potts location below Bow Wood ; also certificates to 
the agents compleating South and St. John's divisions. Gave 
Capt. Grey instructions to lay out lots for sundry persons, on the 
east side Jordan — enclosed account of my house with vouchers 
to the Surveyor General." 

" Tuesday, July 13. Returned from Point Carleton, at which 
place and Cape Negro I have been ever since the 4th of June. 
Sent to the Surveyor General's office my plan of survey at Cape 
Xegro with certificates to the agents." 

Thursday, 15. Sent to the office O. Lyman's plan of survey 
of fifteen 200 acre farms on Pell's Road." 

" Saturday, 17. Finished two plans of internal locations on 
the Peninsula between Rosaway and Jordan rivers — sent with 
certificates per Wm. Adams to Halifax." 

" Monday, 19. Forwarded plan of six locations on east side 
Jordan river, per Capt. Gray's survey, viz., M. Langin, D. Mc- 
Crumen, Wm. Shipman, Wm. Robins, Jno. Cunningham and 
Capt. Hewat, with certificates on the plan. Delivered to Messrs. 
Robins and Cunningham to forward it on the 20th." 

" Thursday, 22. Forwarded to the Surveyor General a re- 
turn of locations on the West side Rosawav — the 6 last of 

* John Wentworth, formerly Governor of New Hampshire and later Governor 
of Nova Scotia. His reception at Shelburne is described in Murdoch's History 
Ol Nova Scotia. Vol. III.. X). 32. 


Cameron's and 36 of Barclay's. Forwarded Mr. Tully's plan of 
locations at Green's Harbour with certificates 22 in all pr. 

" Monday, 26. Great Riot today. The disbanded soldiers 
have risen against the Free negroes to drive them out of Town, 
because they labour cheaper than they — the soldiers." 

" Tuesday,- 27. Riot continues. The soidiers force the free 
negroes to quit the Town — pulled down about 20 of their houses. 
This morning I went over to the Barracks by advice of my 
friends, who find I am threatened by the Rioters, and in the 
afternoon took passage for Halifax. By further advice from 
Town, find I have been sought after. Arrived in Halifax 
Thursday 29th." 

" Wednesday, August 4. Arrived from Shelburne my friend 
Joshua Watson and N. Ogden* with further accounts of continu- 
ation of the Riot. I find I have been hunted for quite down to 
Point Carleton, and had I been found should have had a bad 
time among a set of villainous scoundrels — by some subsequent 
advice, I find I should have been fairly hung." 

" Wednesday, 18. A ship from England, by which we learn 
this Province is to be divided, and a new government erected on 
the western side of the Bay of Fundy by the name of New 
Brunswick. If I can get some employment in the new Province, 
I shall choose my residence there, as most of the New England 
Refugees will be there and among them my nearest and dearest 
friends. Shelburne is composed of such a mixed multitude, so 
very few people of education among them, that it will take me 
all the rest of my life to get myself well accomodated to their 
ways of acting and thinking; and unless one can give in to the 
general mode of thinking and acting of those he lives with he 
can have but little enjoyment.'' 

* Nicholas Ogden resided at New York when the Revolution began. Prom the 
first he declared against the measures of the Rebels, by whom he was threatened 
to be tarrd and feathered in the summer of 1775. He made himself particularly- 
obnoxious by rescuing the Rev'd Dr. Cooper, who was attacked by a mob. He 
was obliged to seek refuge at Newark, in New Jersey, but again returned to New 
York. Warrants were issued against him for conspiring against the life of Wash- 
ington. He was tried by a committee of Congress for that offence, but discharged 
for want of evidence. He remained with the British army in New York till the 
evacuation, except a short time he was imprisoned. He had a command as 
Assistant Brigade Major in the loyal militia, was confidentially employed, and 
gave intelligence to the Commander-in-Chief that was of service. He married 
Hannah Cuyler, daughter of Henry Cuyler, of New York, who by will left a large 
estate to be divided among his six children. Hester Cuyler, a sister of Mrs. 
Ogden, married Captain Nathan Frink, who settled in New Brunswick. Henry 
Cuyler's estate was valued at £14,114 in 1776. 


" Tuesday, 31. The Governor returned from Shelburne, 
where he has been to settle the disturbances which have arisen. 
To answer some purpose with his Dear Shelburnites he has 
been pleased to throw a great deal of blame on my conduct. But 
1 have the satisfaction to know that the best people of that 
Settlement are my friends, and what a Rabble think of me is 
never my concern — tho' a Governor may be among them." 

" Friday, September 3. Gave a skipper Simmons of Lownd's 
Schooner, letters to Gid. White, of Shelburne, and forwarded 
some others which had been put in my hands." 

' Tuesday, 7. Presented a memorial to Governor Parr this 
day and date, requesting a publick inquiry to be made into my 
conduct while Chief Surveyor at Shelburne. He says only in 
general that every body accuses me of the most corrupt partial 
conduct while in my office of Chief Surveyor. He has ordered 
me to wait upon him tomorrow at 12 o'clock. He will then tell 
me if I shall be heard or not. I find he has sent my character 
home under all these infamous accusations — this he says himself." 

" Saturday, 11. Having waited on the Governor at the time 
appointed to receive his answer to my memorial of the 7th, 
missed seeing him. he being gone out — waited upon him this 
morning: met the Secretary of the Province at the door; he told 
me his Excellency had referred my memorial to the Board for 
locating of lands at Shelburne.* I asked him if I must look 
upon that as the Governor's answer? He told me yes. I told 
him I looked upon that as a denial of the petition ; for referring 
the matter to people, who perhaps were some of them raisers of 
the slanders against me, is altogether an ex parte business, which 
I shall not submit to. I have prayed to have my accusers face 
to face." 

Marston found that he had little to hope for from Governor 
Parr, who, having made up his mind that he was culpable, and 

* The names of members of this board were : Isaac Wilkins. Janes McEwen, 
Abraham Van Buskirk, Joseph Brewer, David Thompson, Joshua Watson, Benjamin 
Davis, Charles McNeal, Ebenezer Parker, Alexander Leckie, Joshua Pell, Nicholas 
Ogden, Robert Gray, justices of the peace; Valentine Nutter, Peter Lynch, William 
White, John Lownds, Alexander Robinson, Patrick Wall and Michael 
Langan. The board was appointed bv the Governor in Council on the 5th of 
August, 1784. When Governor Parr was at Shelburne he assured the inhabi- 
at he was anxious to remove all grievances and to contribute to the 
happiness of the community. His favor, however, would only be extended to the 
peaceable, industrious and orderly, and any reported disorderly would not be 
considei titled to lands or provisions. The chairman of the board of 

AVilkins, a man of strict integrity. In April, 1785, fresh com- 
motions arose at Shelburne over allotments of land and a memorial was presented 
to government against Mr. Wilkins, who, however, vindicated himself. 


having so reported to Lord Sidney, was unwilling to re-open 
the question. That Marston had many friends and sympathizers 
at Shelburne is certain. Gideon White,* in a letter to Edward 
Winslow, dated at Shelburne, September 6, 1784, says: 

'* Mr. Alpin can give you a particular description of this 
place, and' a just idea of the injustice done to the reputation of 
our friend Ben. Marston. This worthy man I am sensible will 
meet your interest and friendship/' 

About this time Marston wrote a very interesting letter to 
Israel Mauduit, of London, which is a fitting summary of his 
journal narrative of the founding of Shelburne: 

" Sir, — I hope it will be a sufficient apology for commencing 
a correspondence with you, to whom I am utterly unknown, to 
acquaint you that it is undertaken at the request of Timothy 
Ruggles, Esq'r., formerly of Hardwicke in Massachusetts Bay, 
New England, a Gentleman for whom I have the highest vener- 
ation and esteem, and whose unshaken loyalty has made him, 
with many other worthy men, emigrants to this new country of 
Nova Scotia. His scheme is to fix a regular system of intelli- 
gence from different parts of this country with you in London. 
He has done me the honour to desire me to open a correspond- 
ence with you from this place [Shelburne], assuring me that it 
will be well received on your part, and that every piece of 
information that I may be able to give will be made use of for 
the public s^ood. I have therefore undertaken the business with 
great satisfaction, and if I shall be able to give you anv informa- 
tion which may produce any good to my country, I shall esteem 
it an ample reward for my pains. 

" The matters about which Mr. Ruggles tells me you desire 
to be particular! v informed are : — 

"(1) Whether the new settlers are required to take an Oath 
of Allegiance and Lovalty to the King and Parliament? 

"(2) Whether they are tolerably comfortable, and how the 
settlement at Port Roseway goes on? 

"(3) Whether Nova Scotia can furnish lumber sufficient 
for the demand of the English West India Islands? 

"(4) What number of Indians there are in Nova Scotia? 
and whether one of the S. P. G. missionaries would be of 
service ? 

♦Gideon White was the father of the late Rev. Dr. White, for many years 
rector of Shelburne. He was f», native of Plymouth, Maw., and fought as a 
volunteer on the British side at the Battle of Bunker Hill. He was afterwards 
a captain in the Duke of Cumberland's Regiment, composed of Carolina Loyalists 
ana commanded by Lord Charles Montague. The corps was disbanded in Nova 
Scotia qt the peace. 


' To which he added some queries of his own — viz., whether 
the Fishery is likely to succeed, and what number of vessels and 
hands are employed in that business or in any other at Port 
Roseway ? 

" Respecting all which I would inform you." 

" In the first place, at Port Roseway, the settlers were all 
called upon to take the oath of allegiance to the King and sub- 
scribe a declaration acknowledging the supremacy of the British 
Parliament over the whole Empire, but this was explained as 
not to be extended to taxation. I believe the magistrates attend- 
ed to this business regularly. I say I believe so, for being in 
the surveying service and at the head of the department in the 
district of Shelburne, I have been so entirely taken up in the 
duty of my office as not to be able to know with exact precision 
and certainty every circumstance of this kind. 

" Respecting the second query — The new settlers here have 
suffered no other hardships and difficulties than are commonly 
incident to the settling of a new country — a proof of which is 
the universal state of good health enjoyed in this place, no other 
disorders having prevailed than such as are usual in the country 
in general, and if some tender worn out constitutions have fallen 
a sacrifice, more have been bettered by the change of climate 
from N. York to N. Scotia. The greatest difficulty they have 
had to encounter has, in my opinion, been the living in less 
roomy and commodious habitations than some had been here- 
tofore used to, but that is every day growing better. We have 
been well served with the King's provisions, which have been 
very good of their kind, particularly the bread. There has been 
likewise a distribution of clothing, working tools, some boards, 
&c, but in what proportion I do not know, those matters being 
out of my line. 

" The progress of this settlement has been very rapid. The 
first location upon house lots was on the 23d May, 1783, and on 
the 1st February, 1784, there were 1,127 houses built — 80 of 
which weie indeed only temporary ones put up for the winter 
by some late comers who could not be immediately provided for : 
— 231 of these were framed houses, the rest what are called 
Log-Houses, built of pieces of Timber framed together at the 
ends — and these are sometimes clapboarded over ; they may be 
made permanent buildings to endure many years. Since that 
time more than 250, or near upon 300 houses have been built, 
houses and stores ; and these later buildings are altogether framed 
houses and most generally large, commodious, and some of them 
elegant buildings. 


" Besides the House lots in Town and the Siore and Wharffe 
lots — which amounted last fall to 2,400 House lots and 837 Store 
and WharfTe lots — there have been laid out 800 country lots of 
from 50 to 500 acres each. 

" There have been two saw mills erected in the neighbour- 
hood of the Town, one of which has been at work thro' the 
winter, the other beg*an working some time in June. 

" The number of vessels belonging to the port I cannot pre- 
cisely ascertain. They are somewhere about 50 sail, or may be 
more. About half the number are employed in the cod fishery 
— a business which the settlers at Shelburne are yet unacquainted 
with (for it is to be observed that that business was no where 
carried on on the Continent of America but from four or five 
towns in Massachusetts Bay, in which it was reduced to a 
system and the rules and regulations were the result of the 
experience of a century) and therefore it is not to be wondered 
at if their first experiments should turn out, as they have, not 
very successful. But there have lately arrived among them 
some persons acquainted with the business, by whose information 
they will be able another season to undertake it with better 

" The Whale fishery has met with better success. A vessel 
fixed out last fall from N. York by a gentleman, who is now a 
resident in Shelburne, has returned this spring with a fine cargo 
of oil, and is now gone (or going) on a new voyage. This has 
stimulated others to undertake the same business, and there is 
a considerable sum subscribed to fit out vessels for that business. 
Whaling is a more simple business than the cod fishery — in one 
'tis only requisite to get people dextrous in killing the whale, 
in the other all depends on proper dressing and curing. 

" The other vessels of this place, except a few employed in 
the coasting and lumber trade, are employed, some few in the 
West India trade, but most of them in voyages to New York, 
from whence, under color of bringing the effects of Loyalists, 
much smuggling is carried on of Gin, Brandy, &c. But these 
matters will I suppose be better looked into when the bustle 
of settling is a little over. This countrv is better situated for 
the cod fishery than any part of America, and with the same 
industry r*"i*t out do them. The southerly and southwesterly 
winds, wlvch chiefly prevail on these coasts in the summer 
season, are the occasion of very long passages to the N. England 
men from the Banks — 3 weeks or a month is common — which 
often spoils their fish entirely, always renders it of worse quality 
by being kept so long on shin-board. With the same wind ves- 
sels mav come directly from the Banks to these coasts ; and add to 


that the distance is shorter by ioo leagues, or more as it may be. 
" Whether Nova Scotia can supply the British Islands with 
lumber is a question I cannot take upon me to absolutely deter- 
mine in the affirmative, but when it is considered that some of 
the finest lumber countries in the Bay of Fundy are still within 
the British lines, and that the peninsula of N. Scotia and the 
Island of St. John's do likewise abound in the same article, I 
think there can be no doubt of it. A little experiment would 
determine the question in the best manner, but that perhaps could 
not be made fairly at present, as the wants of the new settlers 
will for some time occasion a great home consumption. Lumber 
used to be shipped from Boston and the other ports of the 
Massachusetts Bay at from 30 to 36 shillings sterling p. M. The 
general price at Shelburne is now, and has been for some time, 
from 50 to 60 shillings delivered at the wharf. Before this war 
the prices in this and New England at the saw mills used to be 
from 20 to 25 shillings sterling p. M. at an average. 

" The number of Indians in the peninsula of Nova Scotia are 
reckoned from 300 to 400 fighting men. They depend entirely 
upon the British inhabitants for arms, ammunition, clothing, and 
what few utensils they want in their way of life. They are 
peaceable and friendly. They are all Christianized to the Church 
of Rome, and there are one or two Romish priests allowed them, 
who receive some stipend from Government. Whether chang- 
ing these for missionaries of the Church of England would make 
these poor ignorant creatures better men is a matter very un- 
certain. They are kept in great decorum by their present priests, 
and in point of morals are in general not worse men than their 
better instructed British neighbours. 'Tis observable they have 
during this war been always inimical to the Rebel privateers 
who have infested the coast. They are generally very friendly 
and humane to shipwrecked people, and have saved many a one 
who must have otherwise perished after escaping drowning.* 

w This country has as many natural advantages as any one 
part of America. Climate healthy, the winters rather more open 
than they are on the continent (I speak now of the peninsula), 
the summers not so hot, which will — as it is naturally productive 
of grass — make it the first grazing country in America. Wheat 
and all other kinds of grain grow here in equal perfection as in 
the more southern provinces. The oats excel all others. 

* Marston speaks from personal experience on this head, having been ship- 
wrecked on the coast of Nova Scotia, in December, 1781. Had it not been for 
tbe kindness and hospitality of the Indians, he and his seven shipwrecked com- 
panions would have perished. 


" There are rich mines of coal, likewise copper and iron — 
onr needles frequently point ont as we are surveying in the 
woods. Great plenty of the best limestone abounds, and in 
some places inexhaustible supplies of the stone from which is 
made the best kind of Plaister of Paris. 

" Commodiously situated for the cod and whale fishery, 
Xova Scotia needs nothing but industry, a good constitution of 
government, and that steadily administered, to make it a country 
in which life may be spent with as much pleasure and satisfaction 
as most parts of this terrestrial globe. 

44 1 am Sir, with the greatest respect, 

" Your most obed't 

" and most humble Servt, 

I, J ,, . L I! L_l . I M I U! -• ill i iF 

" Benjamin Marston." 

The autumn of 1784 Marston spent in Halifax. He was 
unable to obtain any satisfaction! from Governor Parr as regards 
his dismissal. The information at present available is too meagre 
to enable us to determine how far Marston was to be blamed 
for the dissatisfaction that existed at Shelburne. Upon the 
whole, it seems probable that he was harshly used. If he mani- 
fested any partiality in the allotment of lands, or favoured one 
individual more than another, it would seem that his judgment, 
not his integrity, was at fault. There is no evidence of corrupt 
conduct. He left Shelburne, as he came there, a poor man. 
Governor Parr's intentions were doubtless good, but he was a 
man of hasty temper and apt to jump at conclusions without 
sufficient knowledge of all the facts of the case. Had Marston 
possessed more policy, he might have saved himself much trouble 
at Shelburne. Unfortunately, he was of too independent a dis- 
position for his own good, and lacked tact in his dealings with 
the Governor, and also with the Shelburne populace. Never- 
theless, Parr's action in the curt dismissal of his chief surveyor 
appears to have been based upon motives of expediency rather 
than of justice. 

Marston was highly esteemed by Sir John Wentworth, Col. 
Parr's successor as Governor of Nova Scotia ; and when he left 


Halifax for New Brunswick, December 7th, 1784, it was as 
one of Weritworth's deputy surveyors of the King's woods/'" 

On his journey to New Brunswick, Marston proceeded to 
Windsor on horse back, finding the road "far from bad," 
but he says the road thence to DeWolfe's at Horton was " most 
execrable." From Horton to Capt. Bowen's at Wilmot, the road 
was good, except in one or two places. He spent two days with 
General Ruggles, "that brave, worthy old man, who at three 
score and ten is beginning the world anew with as much activity 
as if he were but one score and ten." 

Arrived at Annapolis, Marston spent a day with Edward 
\\ inslow, who was at this time living on the Granville side of 
the river. He describes Dig 3y as " a sad grog drinking place." 
The trip across the Bay of Fundy to St. John occupied but six 
hours, and he very properly terms it " a fine passage." 

[Marston immediately waited on Governor 'Carleton and 
showed him his instructions as a deputy surveyor of the King's 
woods. He was cordially welcomed, and a few days afterwards 
dined with the Governor in company with Judges Allen and 
Putnam, Colonel Willard, Colonel Robinson and the Hon. and 
Rev. Jonathan Odell, the Secretary of the Province. A little 
later Marston visited St. Annes, the site of the future capital of 
Xew Brunswick. From thence he undertook an adventurous 
mid-winter journey with Lieut. Lambton, of the Engineers, to 
St. Andrews. The place was at that time the second town in 
size and importance in the province. He returned by way of 
the Oromocto river to St. John. Early the next summer he 
went to Miramichi, having been appointed Sheriff of the County 
of Xorthumberland.f The county at that time extended from 

* Sir John Wentworth writes to Lieut.-Colonel Edward Winslow : " I em- 
brace the few minutes while Mr. Marston is putting up his papers to say God 
you and yours. I have appointed our friend to be my deputy in New 
Brunswick, and have wrote to Governor Carleton recommending him. As it is 
my wish to expedite the public business which depends on my office in the 
manner most agreeable to Governor Carleton, I shall be much obliged for your 
advice, and any information to Mr. Marston that will aid us herein. I have 
the fullest reliance on his discretion and shall trust much to his judgment." 

f A full account of Benjamin Marston's doings at Miramichi will be found 
in the Collections of the New Brunswick Historical Society, Vol. ii., pp. 95-109; 
very full quotations are there made from his diary and correspondence. In the 
present paper only a synopsis is given. 


Shediac Harbour to the Restigouche River, and included more 
than a third part of New Brunswick. Marston was very enthu- 
siastic in his admiration of the Miramichi river, but his admira- 
tion did not extend to the people who dwelt beside it. They lived 
at this time in a very primitive fashion, and were many of them 
illiterate people, employed by William Davidson and others in 
lumbering and fishing. 

Writing to Edward Winslow not long after his arrival, 
Marston observes : 

" The condition of the country, respecting the number of 
inhabitants, has been greatly mis-represented — to me at; least. 
There are not above ioo families, if so many, upon it at present. 
They live in a sparse manner, scattered along its banks. My 
appointments here will be a mere sound and nothing more. The 
emoluments of them will never make it worth my while to remain 
after I have done those particular kinds of service, which I came 
hither to execute ; these I shall finish at all events." 

Marston continued to make entries in his journal during his 
sojourn on the Miramichi. Soon after his arrival he posted up 
notices of his intention to publish the charter of the new County 
of Northumberland. He adds : 

" The notification which I put up that I would publish the 
charter of the County, brought considerable of the inhabitants 
together, the greater part of whom were drunk at my expense. 
The majority of the people are illiterate and much given to 
drunkeness ; they depend most of them upon the salmon fishery, 
which being precarious, they sometimes live poor enough. 
Necessity and the example of some few will, as soon as the 
banks of the river are all located, make them turn their attention 
to their lands. They want two things, Law, to keep them in 
order, and Gospel, to give them some better ideas than they seem 
to have and to civilize their manners." 

While he was at Miramichi, Marston entered into business 
partnership with one John Mark Crank Des Les Derniers. They 
sold goods to the Indians for furs, and to the white inhabitants 
for fish, etc. They also built a saw mill, and Marston went to 
Halifax for the mill irons. On his way back the vessel stopped 
at Charlottetown, which was then, according to Marston, — 

" A very poor, miserable place, as all places must be which 
are inhabited by an idle, indolent, poor gentry, who are at 


perpetual variance among- themselves, and ready to make advan- 
tage upon all who come among them — which is the case of 
I harlottetown in the present year of our Lord." 

Benjamin Marston left the Miramichi on the 20th November, 
17S0, intending to return the next spring, but he was destined 
never to re-visit it. He went during the winter to New England 
to obtain proofs of the confiscation of his Uncle Winslow's pro- 
perty, in order to establish the claim of his widow and daughters 
to compensation from the English government. The summer 
following he went to England to prosecute his own claims 
to like compensation. Here he met with a cruel disappointment ; 
the sum awarded him amounted to only one-tenth of his expec- 
tations. He was soon in straitened circumstances, and in a letter 
to Ward Chipman remarks : 

" It seems as though I had ceased to be the sport, and had 
become the spite of misfortune." 

His disappointment was all the greater because he had appar- 
ently been fascinated by the charms of one of his Uncle Winslow's 
fair daughters. His pleasant dreams of future bliss may be 
gleaned from his letter to his sister, Lucia Watson, in which 
there occurs the following passage : 

" I hope now, after my return from England, that my 
ramblings will be at an end, and that I shall be able to spend 
the rest of my life in the enjoyment of domestic tranquillity by 
a fireside of my own, with some kind, fair, female companion 
sitting on the opposite chimney corner. I am sure I shall enjoy 
such a piece of good fortune when it comes, with a double relish 
— the long want of every thing which deserves the name of com- 
fortable, has given me a very keen appetite for every enjoyment 
in which peace and tranquillity and regularity make any part. 
But if after I have gotten me a fireside I should not be able to 
succeed in my next wish, I shall certainly send for some of my 
female cozens in New England — perhaps Betsy W., unless she 
should in the meantime give the preference to the old mountaineer 

But alas! for. poor Marston, his vision of domestic tranquility 
was never realized. He found himself stranded in London, 
without friends. But he would not despair. 

To Edward Winslow he wrote : 


" My dear Ned, don't let misfortune depress your spirits. 
He who feeds the moose 'and caribou, the wild ducks and geese, 
the shad, gaspereaux and salmon, takes care of you and me also, 
and tho' we may sometimes be pinched, we shall be recompensed 
by an ample allowance of smart money. I don't say this to 
cultivate in you any liking to misfortune; no — fight, scratch, 
kick, bite, throw stones, do anything to her, I hate the very name 
of the Toad." 

In the spring of 1790, Marston expressed his determination 
to go out to Miramichi and pick up what property he possessed 
there, and if there should be, as formerly, an annual ship sailing 
from Miramichi, he proposed to ship what he could collect to 
Leghorn, and himself with it. However, a year later saw him 
still in London, and writing to Winslow, under date April 3rd, 
1 79 1, he says : 

" What will be the next scene of my Robinson Crusoe adven- 
tures He who made me only knows. My present employment, 
which has kept me above water for these eleven months past and 
has enabled me to discharge the debts contracted for subsistence 
for twelve months before, will in a few days be at an end. I 
shall then be again afloat without sail or paddle and, I may add, 
even a plank to swim on. I hope the same Good Providence 
that has more than once relieved me in similar circumstances 
will not now forget me, but it requires some fortitude to see a 
situation so disagreeable approaching without feeling anxious 
for the event." 

In 1792 a company was organized in England to make a 
settlement on the island of Bulama, twenty miles from Sierra 
Leone, on the west coast of Africa, and Benjamin Marston 
agreed to accompany the party as surveyor. The Boolam Island 
colonizers were quite ambitious, and decided to go out under a 
regularly organized government. Among the officers elected by 
them were Henry H. Dalrymple, Esq., governor; John Young, 
Esq., lieutenant governor; Sir William Halton, Bart., and nine 
others, council. The promoters of the company were quite 
enthusiastic, and Benjamin Marston doubtless found himself in 
congenial company. Nevertheless, the undertaking was ill- 
advised, and the results proved very unfortunate. 

Marston gives some of the details of the scheme in a letter 
that he wrote to Ward Chipman. This letter is of special inter- 


est. as being the last, in all probability, written by his hand, 
which is now in existence: 

" London, March 26, 1792. 

" My dear Chippy, — GOD in his merciful providence has at 
last opened me a door to escape out of England, and I have 
embraced the opportunity with as much joy as I ever did to get 
out from the worst prison I was ever in. It does not indeed 
bring me to N. Brunswic — it carries me further off — to the coast 
of Africa, whither I am going as Surveyor Gen'l of Lands to a 
large company, who are about making a settlement on the Island 
Boolam, which lies in the Atlantic Ocean about 4 miles from the 
main continent of Africa in 11 some minutes N. Lat., right 
opposite the mouth of Rio Grande. They give me f 60 ster. per 
annum salary, and subsistence, and 500 acres Land gratis. Other 
settlers give £30 for that quantity. The salary to be sure is no 
great things — but anything with something to eat is infinitely 
before nothing and starving by inches ; but the land will soon be 
worth £500, if the settlement should succeed, and should it 
prosper, much more, and that in a short time. At any rate I am 
glad I am leaving England, which never pleased me, and which 
lias been made tenfold more disagreeable by my being forced 
to stay in it against my will. I expect to embark in two days 
from this. You shall hear from me as opportunity offers, and 
perhaps 1" may have it in my power to institute a commercdal 
intercourse with St. John for house frames and other building 
materials, as I think they will be able to get them much cheaper 
with you than from the Baltic. 

" For the present adieu. Remember me kindly to my friends. 
Tell them I don't give up hopes of yet returning to my* loved 
America. God bless vou and them is the fervent wish of, 

" Yours, 

"Ben. Marston/' 

The expedition to Bulama proved a most unfortunate one. 
Shortly after the settlers arrived the African fever seized them, 
and of the original company of 275 souls, only a few survived, 
and these abandoned the enterprise and returned home. Ben- 
jamin Marston was one of the victims. He died August 10th, 
1792, and his loss was deplored by his associates, who had 
learned to esteem him highly. 

Before leaving New Brunswick, Marston committed many 
of his papers, including his journals, to the care of his friend, 
Ward Chipman. He was indebted to Chipman for the loan 
which enabled him to go to England; this loan he was never able 


to repay. The tidings of his death were long in reaching New 
Brunswick, But on May 13th, 1794, Ward Chipman wrote to 
Edward Winslow : 

" Being at length satisfied that our worthy unfortunate friend 
Marston was really dead, I the other day opened his chest. The 
uppermost thing was a tin case enclosing some papers, all of 

which I now send you Poor fellow his fate was hard, 

and he must have been most vexatiously disappointed at the 
small amount of his compensation from government. There 
are, besides his private books and papers, a few articles of 
trifling value and his surveying instruments, all of which are 
subject to your disposal. In respect to the debt to me for cash 
which I loaned him since coming to this country, I have a long 
time ceased to expect anything, unless the good fellow had met 
with that good fortune which he so richly merited." 

A more chequered and remarkable career than that of Ben- 
jamin Marston, from the day he was forced to leave his pleasant 
abode in Marblehead until he died at Bulama, on the coast of 
Africa, seventeen years later, is rarely to be found in the pages 
of real life. 




The question of including a Church of England clergyman, in the 
first party of Loyalists who came to Shelburne, was discussed in New 
York by the members of the Association formed there in the autumn of 
1782 for the purpose of effecting a settlement at Port Roseway. This 
is shown in the following extracts from the minutes of the Association: 

" Votes of the Association for Port Roseway at New York, 1st 
February, 1783 : 

" Question proposed whether it will be for the benefit of the Associa- 
tion to take a clergyman of the Church of England with them or not? 
Upon being moved, it appeared in the affirmative, but was referred to 
another meeting. 

" New York, 8th February, 1783. Agreed to refer the question till 
advice from our Agent. 

" (Signed) John Miller, Secretary of the Association." 

Marston, in his Journal (June 26, 1783), states that one of the 
Agents,^ who was at Halifax the previous winter, used to plume himself 
that they were going to effect a settlement without the assistance of the 
clergy, intending to have none of that order" among them for the present. 
He thought it would be much better if they had one or two sensible, 
discreet ministers and would attend to their admonitions. The minutes 
of the Association show that it had for its first officers Joseph Durfee, 

* The agent here referred to was either Joseph Pynchon or James Dole, probably the 
latter. Governor Parr disliked him, and observes in one of his letters to the Under-Secretary 
of State, that a man of the name of Dole had given him much vexation in connection with 
ttlement of the Loyalists. 


president ; Thomas Courtney, Sr., treasurer ; and John Miller, secretary. 
Joseph Durfee* and James Dole were appointed agents. 

The first clergyman who signified a willingness to go with the Loyal- 
ists to Shelburne was the Rev. George Panton, formerly rector of Tren- 
ton, Xew Jersey, and later chaplain of the Prince of Wales American 
Volunteers. Mr. Panton wrote to the S. P. G. from New York on May 
24th, 1783, that it was his intention to accompany a considerable number 
of people, who were desirous of ordinances of religion, to Port Roseway. 
He had been prevented from sailing in the first fleet by a fever, but hoped 
to set out shortly. He adds, that " a considerable part of the new colony 
consists of Scots and Irish Dissenters, who have contributed, with their 
usual zeal, for the support of a minister they have carried with them." 
He applies to the S. P. G. for their encouragement, and in response the 
Society assure him of the continuance of his salary as one of their 
missionaries in Nova Scotia. 

In a letter to Governor Parr, Mr. Panton says that he was early 
invited, by some of the leaders of the Association, to go to Port Rose- 
way, and that he had the concurrence of a general public meeting of the 
Association and the approbation of Sir Guy Carleton in so doing. An 
accidental disappointment in regard to his passage had prevented his 
attending the first embarkation, and sickness coming on retarded it for 
some time longer. He sent a letter in May, or early in June, to Port 
Roseway by Captain Robinson, of the .Guides and Pioneers, in which he 

* Joseph Durfee was a native of Norfolk, Rhode Island. In early life he followed the sea ; 
afterwards carried on business as a merchant and accumulated a handsome property. He 
joined the British when they landed on Rhode Island, and in 1777 was captain of an associa- 
tion of Loyalists under command of Colonel Wanton. At the evacuation of Rhode Island he 
went with the King's troops to New York. Afterwards he accompanied Sir Henry Clinton 
to Charleston, where he received the thanks of the General and a present of fifty guineas 
for his services as pilot. He was afterwards employed for two years as Superintendent of 
small craft at New York by Col. Crosby, Barrack-master-General, and received from Brook 
Watson, Esq., a certificate of the faithful discharge of his duties as " director of vessels." 
He had an interest in several schooners which did a profitable business in transporting fuel 
and supplies for the army during the war. He sacrificed much valuable property in Rhode 
Island, his house alone being worth £500 to £600 sterling — a considerable sum in those days. 
He died at Shelburne on the 21st March, 1801, after a few days' illness. An obituary notice 
in an old newspaper tells us that " at the close of the Revolutionary War he removed to 
Shelburne with his family and the wreck of his property, and sat himself down upon a tract 
of uncultivated land. The same industry and perseverance which had uniformly distinguished 
him soon rendered him an example to that infant settlement. Few men possessed a more 
manly and independent mind, exhibited more striking traits of industry, or have quitted life 
more generally and universally regretted." 


informed the agents, Messrs. Durfee and Dole, of his bad health, and of 
his purpose of embracing" the first opportunity to join them. When, at 
length, he was upon the point of embarking, the Admiral informed him 
that the Rev. William Walter was going to Shelburne in the same fleet, 
in response to an invitation from the inhabitants, who understood that 
Mr. Panton had given up all thoughts of settling in that place. 

William Walter, D. D., it may be stated here, was formerly the rector 
of Trinity Church, Boston, and later chaplain in the 3rd Battalion of 
DeLancey's Brigade, a well-known Loyalist corps. He informed the 
Secretary of the S. P. G., in a letter written shortly before leaving New 
York, that he had decided to accompany his fellow Loyalists to Nova 
Scotia, and that his destination was Port Roseway, where a numerous 
body of people were forming a settlement. They were without a clergy- 
man. He had offered them his services, and, " if they should meet him 
with that spirit of good will he is led to think they will, he means to sit 
down there. They have no place of worship, and, owing to> the war, are 
in general poor. They consist of various characters, dispositions and 
religious sentiments. It will be no easy task to unite and systematize 
them under the national church, but he is resolved to make the attempt." 
He adds that " the Commander-in-Chief is pleased to approve highly of 
his intentions, and has given him ample recommendation to Governor 

Mr. Walter's decision to go to Port Roseway was in response to 
an invitation addressed to him on August 15th by upwards of 150 of the 
settlers who had gone there. These people state that having learned of 
his willingness to take up his residence among them, they would be happy 
to consider him as their minister. Until very lately their whole care 
had been directed to erecting houses for themselves and their families ; but 
having now in a good degree completed this very necessary business, 
they deemed it their duty to make provision for divine worship and the 
celebrating of the ordinances of religion. They intended, as soon as 
possible, to erect a church, and would be happy if Mr. Walter would 
henceforth consider himself as their pastor, promising to contribute 
according to their abilities to his comfortable and decent support. 

The same persons, about this time, united in a petition to the S. P. G., 
in which they state that the members of the Church in Shelburne are 
American Loyalists, who have suffered the loss of their property and 


undergone many hardships both in the war and in their subsequent settle- 
ment in a wild and uncultivated country. They intend to erect, as soon 
as possible, a building for divine worship, where the ordinances of 
Religion may be publicly celebrated according to the rites of the Church 
of England. They request the Society's assistance. 

In response to the application, the Society promised to assist them in 
providing a stipend for their missionary. 

The arrival of Air. Panton at once introduced an element of discord. 
The majority of the settlers preferred Mr. Walter; nevertheless, the 
president of the Association, Joseph Durfee, the treasurer, Thomas 
Courtney, and other leading men resolved to stand by Mr. Panton, claim- 
ing that he had the prior right to their consideration. We need not be 
at all surprised that a painful situation speedily developed. Two parties 
were formed. Both called meetings and elected wardens and vestrymen. 
Both applied for a grant from the S. P. G. in England. Mr. Walter's 
friends urged that he was the choice of the people. Mr. Panton's friends 
claimed that the best element in the community approved of him, as did 
also his Excellency Governor Parr, in whose hands the presentation to 
rectories was vested. To some extent the struggle lay between the classes 
and the masses. This is indicated by the names of those chosen as 
wardens and vestrymen by the respective parties in the year 1784. Those 
who supported the Rev. Dr. Walter as their rector were the following, 
who called themselves the "Vestry of Trinity Church :" Richard Hall and 
James Collins, Wardens ; Messrs. William Holderness, Robert Appleby, 
George Harding,* Isaac Reed, John Lownds, John Minshull, John Miller, 
Richard Jenkins, Alexander Bartram, Vestry. 

Those elected as supporters of the Rev. George Panton called them- 
selves the " Vestry of the Parish of St. Patrick." They were : Isaac 
Wilkins, Esq., and Joseph Alpin, Esq., Wardens ; Messrs. Alexander 

* George Harding was a native of Ireland, came to America in 1765 and settled as a house 
carpenter in Philadelphia. In. 1775 he declared his sentiments to be against rebellion, and 
did what he could in support of British Government. He escaped, providentially, from being 
forced to take up arms by the States, and in 1777 joined the British army at Philadelphia, 
and was employed in disarming the disaffected. Afterwards was employed in a company of 
twenty for the purpose of apprehending spies. He intended to have quitted Philadelphia 
with the army, but was taken prisoner by the enemy's Light Horse. He was indicted for 
high treason, tried and convicted, was carried to the gallows, and would have been executed 
had he not been demanded by Sir Henry Clinton. He was turned out of prison in the night 
and got to New York. Staid there till the evacuation, when he came to Shelburne. 


Leckie, Esq., Valentine Nutter, Esq., Nicholas Ogden, Esq., Major 
Charles McNeil, Esq., Henry Guest, Thomas Courtney, Sr., Gregory 
Springall, Charles White, Thomas Sullivan, Samuel Mann, Vestry. 

The supporters of Dr. Walter claimed that the large number of 
signatures, appended to .their memorial to the S. P. G., for his appoint- 
ment as their missionary, sufficed to show that such was the desire of the 
community in general. Mr. Panton's friends replied that their- vestry 
included all the magistrates and judges of the Common Pleas in Shel- 
burne, who were members of the Church of England, and its other 
members were gentlemen of character and consideration, while the mem- 
bers of Dr. Walter's vestry were persons of much less weight. They 
also affirmed that Dr. Walter had a large nondescript following, includ- 
ing many persons who were not Church people at all. Mr. Panton did 
not preach to bare walls, as his enemies represented, but on, the contrary 
his congregation was respectable, not only from the character and circum- 
stances of the families it included, but also from their numbers. 

In a letter addressed to Governor Parr, the supporters of Mr. Panton 
say further, that the method of popular choice opens an avenue for a 
majority of sectaries to introduce clergymen of obnoxious principles, 
equally dangerous to Church and State, especially when, as in the present 
case, it is done in opposition to a clergyman of the most unexceptionable 
character, one who has distinguished himself by devotion to his duty both 
a clergyman and as a Loyalist on the most trying occasions. 

Whether by accident, or otherwise, Walter and Panton sailed from 
Xew York in the same fleet,* but the breezes seem to have favored Dr. 
Walter, who landed at Shelburne two days in advance of his brother 
parson. He must. have acted with promptitude, for the Rev. Mr. Panton 
says that upon his arrival he found himself anticipated in every object 
by Mr. Walter, who had landed two days before him. A vestry, consti- 
tuted on Michaelmas day, 29th September, calling themselves the Vestry 
of Trinity Church, in Shelburne, had been elected, and now acted strenu- 
ously in Mr. Walter's behalf. Mr. Panton claims that he could, in a 
great measure, have counteracted their proceedings by the influence of 
some of the principal persons of the first Association, who thought him 
very ill treated, but that he was fearful of exciting animosities. He 

* Ships of this fleet arrived at Shelburne about the 23rd of September, 1783. 


admits that Mr. Walter was certainly acceptable to the Episcopal persua- 
sion in general,- and to many others outside their communion. He asks 
the Society to decide in the matter in the way that may seem most con- 
ducive to the general interests of the church. He adds that upon hearing 
that Mr. Walter was going to Shelburne, he would himself have desisted 
from going, but for the opinion of Dr. Inglis and others, that his appoint- 
ment as missionary had already been made by the Society in England, 
and that there would also be room for Mr. Walter to minister to the 
" particular description of persons " who desired his services. 

It is but fair to Mr. Panton to say that his letters are exceedingly 
moderate in tone and betray little animosity. He wrote the Secretary 
of the S. P. G., that having found on his arrival Mr. Walter recognized 
as Rector by a Vestry, and that application had been made to his Excel- 
lency Governor Parr for induction, as he himself would never wish to 
interfere with the interests of his brethren, nor with the peace and good 
order of the community, he had declined the offer of a subscription in 
his interest. If the induction of Mr. Walter as rector should appear to 
his Excellency of advantage to the settlement, he desired his own claim 
upon the Society should prove no obstruction. The Governor, however, 
warmly supported Mr. Panton. 

The Vestry organized in support of Rev. Wm. Walter in September, 
1783, was called, as just stated, the Vestry of Trinity Church. The fol- 
lowing were members: Benjamin Marston and Alexander Bertram, 
Church Wardens ; John Miller, Peter Lynch, William Hargraves, Stephen 
Shakespeare, Hugh Breen, James Gamage,* John Lownds, George Hard- 
ing and William Hale, Vestrymen. It is quite evident that Benjamin 
Marston was one of the leading supporters of Mr. Walter. He had 
doubtless known him before the Revolution, as rector of Trinity Church, 
Boston. Some of the memorials to the S. P. G. are in Marston's hand- 

Dr. Walter's congregation met for some time in the preaching room 
of the Methodists, f an apartment which proved rather too small for their 

* James Gamage was a native of America. He went to Boston to live in 1770, and was 
in trade there when the Revolutionary troubles began. Was a pronounced Loyalist. Retired 
with the army to Halifax on the evacuation of Boston by Sir Wm. Howe. Went to New 
York and accompanied the Royal army to Philadelphia. He acted occasionally with them as 
a volunteer. In April, 1783, Sir Guy Carleton appointed him lieutenant of a company of 
militia destined for Shelburne. He came in the first fleet from New York to Shelburne. 
t See Dr. T. Watson Smith's " Methodism in Eastern British America," Vol. I, pp. 142, 159. 


accommodation. A temporary church was afterwards built. The con- 
troversy between the contending parties was all the more regrettable, in 
view of the fact that there seems to have been ample room for both 
clergymen in Shelburne at this time. Despite the greater popularity of 
Rev. Dr. Walter, Mr. Panton found plenty to do. In his first report to 
the S. P. G., he states that from the 20th December, 1783, to the 1st 
August, 1784 (less than eight months), he baptized 190 persons, married 
95 couples and officiated at 32 funerals. Of those baptized, 61 were 
white infants and 4 white adults, mostly children of the disbanded 
soldiers and of the poor in the outskirts of the settlement. During the 
same period he married 51 couples, " principally of the disbanded troops." 
Of the negroes, he baptized 44 infants and 81 adults, and married 44 
couples. The blacks lived principally at Birch Town, on the North-west 
branch of Port Roseway Bay, about 3^ miles from Shelburne, where 
Divine Service was held occasionally, and where he found the people 
were very desirous of the ordinances of religion. 

That there was a large field for the energies of both clergymen at 
this time is evident from the statement of the Rev. Mr. Panton, that in 
the course of the' few months that had elapsed there had been " more than 
an hundred funerals in all, but only 32 persons were buried with the 
funeral service." 

From the close of 1783 to the 27th of October, 1784, the duty of 
Shelburne devolved entirely upon Mr. Panton. This, in some measure, 
explains the large number of baptisms, marriages and burials at which 
he officiated. 

Dr. Walter sailed from Halifax to England about the 1st of January, 
1784,* to submit to the British government his claims and those of a 
number of the Shelburne Loyalists for compensation for their losses of 
property and sacrifices during the Revolutionary War. It is probable 
that he also went to consult with the Secretary of the S. P. G. in regard 
to the situation at Shelburne. The Society agreed to take him on their 
list of missionaries, and Rev. Dr. Morice, the Secretary, wrote to the 
people of Shelburne to that effect on the 19th of March, 1784. 

On the 10th of May, Rev. Mr. Panton and his supporters forwarded 
a memorial to Governor Parr, recommending the division of Shelburne 

* See Report of the Bureau of Archives for Ontario of 1904. at page 678 and 731. 


into three ecclesiastical parishes, to be known as St. George's, St. 
Patrick's and St. Andrews. The limits and boundaries of each parish 
were minutely described in the memorial. A sufficient space was to be 
reserved for the erection of a church and school house in the parishes 
of St. Patrick and St. Andrew — there being already a public square 
reserved for a church in the parish of St. George. The huts and build- 
ings at that time erected in the town exceeded 1,500, and the memorialists 
were confident that three parishes would shortly be required. After due 
consideration the Governor agreed, and on September 7th the agent for 
Shelburne in Halifax forwarded Mr. Panton a letter of induction from 
the Governor to the rectorship of the Parish of St. Patrick, together with 
an elegantly bound Prayer Book, as a token of " his regard and ardent 
wish for the prosperity and success of the Established Religion in Shel- 

Mr. Panton's induction and the division of the town into parishes, so 
far from proving a solution of the difficulty, served but to add fuel to the 
fires of discord. Mr. Walter himself had not yet returned, but hand 
bills were posted up calling upon his friends to meet at a well-known 
tavern in Shelburne to consult for the good of the church. In conse- 
quence there were " resolves and protests, criminations and vindications." 
Among the documents that have been preserved in the S. P. G. records 
concerning the controversy is one which begins thus : 

" Isaac Wilkins, Esq., Judge of the Inferior Court of Common Pleas, 
and Valentine Xutter, Esq., Justice of the Peace for the Town and District 
of Shelburne, do solemnly declare and attest the truth of the following 

The " facts," as stated by these gentlemen, were to the following 
effect : That when the parishioners of the newly-constituted Parish of 
St. Patrick met in their place of worship to elect wardens and vestry 
men. certain persons calling themselves the Vestry of TrinityChurch — a 
nominal parish not existing by any regular authority — came to the meet- 
ing at the instigation of Dr. Walter, then in England, interrupted their 
proceedings and protested against the election, and also against the act 
of Governor Parr in dividing Shelburne into parishes. Dr. Walter 
arrived soon after (October 27th) from England, and the week after his 
arrival held services and administered the Holy Communion in a " meet- 
ing-house " situated in the centre of the Parish of St. Patrick. He 


afterwards, they say, erected a temporary church in the central part of 
the town, in which parochial acts and services were held to the prejudice 
of the Rev. Mr. Panton, the legally-inducted rector of St. Patrick's. The 
land, too, adjoining his place of worship Dr. Walter had the assurance 
to convert into a. burying-ground in opposition to that assigned by public 
authority in another part of the town. Dr. Walter also persisted in 
styling himself Rector of an imaginary parish, called by him the Parish 
of Trinity Church, comprehending all the parishes into which the town 
and adjacent district had been divided. 

[Isaac Wilkins, who figures somewhat prominently in this controversy, 
was born in Jamaica in 1741. He was the son of Martin Wilkins, a rich 
planter, and came to New York with his parents when very young. In 
1756 he entered King's College (Columbia), where he graduated in 1760, 
and in 1763 received the degree of M. A. He studied for the ministry, 
but did not at this time take Holy Orders. He 1 married in 1762 Isabella, 
daughter of the Hon. Lewis Morris, and settled at " Castle Hill," in the 
County of Westchester. Not long after he was elected a representative 
of the county in the New York Legislature. When the Revolutionary 
troubles began, he gave all the opposition in his power to the measures 
of Congress. This made him very obnoxious to the " rebels." He was 
known to be the author of some publications against Congress, and was 
the reputed author of a pamphlet written under the pseudonym of A. W. 
Farmer, which made quite a stir at the time. He steadily, and to the 
utmost of his power, supported the cause of the Loyalists and the main- 
tenance of British connexion. He was compelled to leave New York 
in the spring of of 1775 and to retire for protection to England. He 
returned with Sir Wm. Howe the next year and remained on Long Island 
until the close of the war. His family were still at Westchester, but on 
learning that Air. Wilkins was with the Royal army, his enemies sent a 
party to destroy his property and take his wife prisoner. She had barely 
warning in time to escape, and fled with such) precipitation she could not 
save more than her clothes ;• several of the servants were seized and the 
property destroyed. In January, 1778, Lord North, unsolicited, gave 
Mr. Wilkins an annual allowance of £200 sterling. He remained in New 
York a short time after the evacuation for the purpose of getting 
-ession of his estate in Westchester. In this he succeeded, and sold 
it for £2,500 N. Y. currency, half of what he paid for it. He says that 


the Americans allowed him to sell it, paying attention to the provisions 
of the Articles of Peace. His name did not appear in the Act of Con- 
fiscation passed by the State of New York. This Mr. Wilkins attributed 
to the friendship of his brother, who had taken the other side in the late 

Isaac Wilkins continued at Shelburne and at Lunenburg until about 
1798, when he went back to Westchester, and was ordained to the 
ministry by Bishop Provoost. He was appointed rector of St. Peter's 
Church, and retained the position to the end of his days. He died on 
the 5th of February, 1830, in his 89th year. He had a family of twelve 
children, one of whom, the Hon. Lewis Morris Wilkins, became Speaker 
of the Xova Scotia House of Assembly, and afterwards a judge of the 
Supreme Court. The epitaph to the memory of the Rev. Isaac Wilkins 
in St. Peter's Church in Westchester states that he was " for thirty-one 
years the diligent and faithful minister of this parish * * * * nor ever 
wished, nor ever went forth to seek, a better living."] 

The antagonism between the contending parties at Shelburne during 
the twelve months that followed Dr. Walter's return from England was 
intense, and uncharitable reflections were made on both sides, which it is 
as well not to revive. Dr. Walter and his friends protested strongly 
against the induction of the Rev. Geo. Panton. The district comprehend- 
ed by the proposed Parish of St. Patrick was, they claimed, by far the 
most important part of the town, as well as that in which most of Mr. 
Walter's congregation resided, and in which they had always held their 
worship. The public ground, originally intended as the site for a church 
(and on which a foundation was in fact begun) being too remote and 
inconvenient, the people had purchased a spot more central, and were 
now preparing to build with all dispatch, hoping to remove from the town 
the disgrace of having no place of public worship according to the rites 
of the Established Church. Dr. Walter claimed that his constituents 
were between 300 and 400, most of them heads of families. His vestry 
had pledged themselves to purchase, among the Farm Lots which were 
then for sale, two — the best adapted for their purpose — making a glebe 
of 400 acres for the use of their Rector. At this time Dr. Walter was 
living in a house he had built for himself, no parsonage having as yet 
been provided by the people. 

Overtures were made by Mr. Panton and his friends for an accom- 
modation of the difficulties that had arisen, and Mr. Panton repeatedly 


declared his willingness, for the sake of peace, to relinquish his position. 
He suggested that the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel should 
transfer him "to the military Town of St. Anne's, above Majorville, 
about 70 miles up the River St. Johns, in the Province of New Bruns- 
wick, where a large number of the officers of the late Provincial Corps 
were settled, whom at their particular request he would have originally 
accompanied but for his unfortunate engagements with Shelburne. The 
major part of his late regiment* was settled in the vicinity of that place. 
They had naturally a claim upon his attention, and he would be happy to 
find it in his power to be servicable to them." 

Mr. Panton states that never since his entry into public life had he had 
any dispute or been at variance with any person, or persons, excepting 
those who had been the avowed enemies of his King and Country, and 
but for the respect he owed the Governor, who appointed, and the gentle- 
men who had supported him, and his duty as a clergyman of the Church 
of England to maintain its rights, he would long ago have left the settle- 
ment. His friends and supporters agreed that, although they would 
sincerely lament their separation from a beloved pastor, the substitution 
of two other Loyal Refugee clergymen (for two at least who could work 
in harmony were immediately necessary) would alone heal their present 
unhappy differences. Dr. Walter, however, stoutly refused to consider 
the proposition. He had, he said, removed his family from New York 
" to fix them at Shelburne for life." His friends had stood out on his 
behalf because their legal right of choosing a minister had been invaded 
by having one forced upon them against their inclination ; and he himself 
had stood out because an application had been made to the Society for 
the Propagation of the Gospel in his behalf, which Society had acknow- 
ledged his claims, and only deferred his appointment as their missionary 
until the conditions respecting a glebe and parsonage were complied with 
on the part of the people, which they were now fulfilling. Had Mr. 
Panton simply requested to remain at Shelburne to minister to the settle- 
ments in the neighbourhood, at Birch-town and elsewhere, as one of the 

* Tiie icic/ence is to the Prince of Wales American Regiment, which came, under command 
of Lieut. -Col. (j.\briel DeVeber to St. John, to be disbanded in September, 1783. They were 
asigned lands a few miles above St. Anne's (Fredericton), on the east side of the river, a 
little below the Keswick Stream. Rev. George Panton was chaplain of the regiment from 
1778 to tbe close o' the war. 


Society's missionaries, he might have been very useful, and Mr. Walter 
would have cordially supported him in this. 

The unhappy contention continued to distract the Church of England 
in Sheiburne for a while longer. However, it was finally consented, for 
peace sake, to forget and forgive what was past, and that each clergyman 
should be supported by the generosity of his friends. 

The correspondence of the two- reverend gentlemen with the S. P. G. 
is largely concerned with their differences — differences that, in some 
measure, marred the usefulness of each ; but there are occasional refer- 
ences to the general state of society in Sheiburne that are of interest. 

Dr. Walter, shortly after his return from England, on October 27th, 
1784, wrote to Dr. Morice, the Secretary of the S. P. G., that he found 
the Town of Sheiburne greatly improved in point of appearance during 
his absence, but greatly declined in point of real wealth. About two 
hundred families had already left the settlement because they could not 
get their lands in season, and many were preparing to follow. 

The money brought by the settlers had been mostly expended on their 
houses. The fisheries, their chief source of wealth, had been but little 
gone into the past season. The public provisions were nearly exhausted, 
and great distress was apprehended among the poorer classes during the 
ensuing winter. He laments the quarrel that had unhappily arisen 
amongst the Church people. Those who adhered to Mr. Panton were 
respectable characters in the settlement, and had made overtures for a 
coalition. But many of Mr. Walter's friends declare that they never can 
sit under Air. Pantcn's ministry, and will sooner go over to the Church 
of Scotland. Mr. Walter says that his parishioners had employed a 
carpenter to furnish estimates for a church 60 feet in length and 40 feet 
wide. Air. Lane, a London merchant, had presented the church with a 
superb set of books. Mr. Hall, an English gentleman, settling in Shei- 
burne as a merchant, intended giving a bell. Sir William Pepperrell 
also would be a handsome benefactor. There was as yet no public school 
for the children of the poor. The Black People of Birch Town had asked 
to be taken under 'Air. Walter's care. One of themselves, of the name 
of Limerick, officiated among them as a preacher and exhorter. He bore 
an exceedingly good character, was of great use, and might be profitably 
employed by the Society as a catechist and school-master. 

The meeting-house of the Methodists being no longer available, the 
people proposed to erect a temporary church building to last until the 


larger one should be completed. This they hoped to raise by the 15th 
or 20th January, 1785. In the interim they had applied to the members 
of the Church of Scotland for the use of their house of public worship, 
at such hours as would not incommode them. This favour the Presby- 
terians had generously and unanimously granted. Their own temporary 
edifice would be like that of the Presbyterians, viz., about 40 feet long 
by 24 feel wide, quite rough, but very comfortable, and with stoves in 
the winter. 

Rev. Mr. Panton writes on the 1st June, 1785, that there were in the 
vicinity of Shelburne 8,000 or 9,000 souls, many of whom were only then 
getting upon their several locations. Many of these people had, from 
the circumstances of the war, long been without the ordinances of 
religion, or even the influence of civil laws. It was of vast importance 
to the community in general that religious and moral instruction should 
be speedily provided. Two clergymen at least were required for the 
work. In order to assist in allaying the animosities that had arisen 
he proposed sailing for Halifax in a few days to obtain Governor Parr's 
consent to his retirement. He hoped, in the interests of the public peace, 
that Dr. Walter would follow his example, and so pave the way for the 
appointment of other clergymen as their successors who might harmonize 
the settlement. 

Dr. Walter, on the 26th of May, 1785, writes that the last winter, 
though not very severe as to cold, was long and tedious, and particularly 
distressing to the Inhabitants on account of the non-arrival of the public 
provisions. Many families had become disheartened and had gone back 
to the States, or removed to other parts of Nova Scotia, among them 
many of his parishioners. Since his returnl from England he had christ- 
ened 51 infants and 3 adults, married 21 couples and buried 20. 

Shelburne now began to decline. Dr. Walter possibly exaggerates 
when he states, in 1788, that about four-fifths of the original settlers had 
returned to the States, and those who remained were in general so re- 
duced in their circumstances as to be able to contribute very little to the 
support of their clergyman. 

Mr. Panton's retirement did not put an end to the unfortunate bick- 
erings that divided the church into two parties. Had Dr.: Walter retired 
at the same time, the two congregations might have united ; but as he did 
not, the Vestry of St. Patrick's applied to the Rev. John Hamilton 
Rowland to accept the position vacated by Mr. Panton. Rev. Mr. Row- 


land was an Englishman by birth. He came to America in 1768, and on 
January 23rd, 1775, was presented by Lord Dunmore to the living of St. 
Bride's, in Norfolk County, Virginia. On January 1st, 1778, he became 
chaplain of Lieut. -Col. John Morris' 2nd Battalion of the New Jersey 
Volunteers. The corps was disbanded at Staten Island at the close of 
the war, and Mr. Rowland remained there, or in Pennsylvania, until he 
was applied to by Isaac Wilkins and others to come to Shelburne as their 
minister. He gave evidence before Commissioner Pemberton* in con- 
nection with the Loyalist claims for compensation at Halifax on July 3rd, 
1786, in the course of which he says that he means to settle at Shelburne, 
that he has applied to Governor Parr for presentation to the church there 
and received a very favorable answer from him. 

No suitable place of worship for the members of the Church of Eng- 
land had yet been erected at Shelburne, and with the great decline of the 
town, both in wealth and in the number of its inhabitants, the problem 
of building was a grave one. Dr. Walter was at this time spoken of as 
the Rector of St. George and Mr. Rowland as Rector of St. Patrick. In 
May, 1788, the two parishes agreed to bury the hatchet.- A joint parish 
meeting was held, the rectors and vestries of both parishes present, and 
a vote of thanks to the S. P. G. was passed for the Society's " munificence 
and condenscension in granting to the town a mission for each of the 
gentlemen settled there as rectors of the two parishes, by means of which 
those differences which formerly did exist among the members of the 
church are happily done away, and union and harmony restored." f The 
temporary church built by Dr. Walter seems now to have been used 
jointly, and, on the Sunday that followed, Mr. Rowland preached an 
admirable sermon from the text : " We took sweet counsel together, and 
walked in the house of God as friends." 

On the 6th of June, 1788, the tender of Messrs. Hildreth & White 
for the erection of a church for the use of the two parishes for the sum 

* Colonel Thomas Dundas and Jeremiah Pemberton (the latter appointed in 1788 Chief 
Justice of Nova Scotia) about the close of the year 1785 came to Nova Scotia to investigate 
the claims of the Loyalists upon the Imperial government, under the Acts of Parliament of 
1783 and 1785, for compensation for their losses during the American Revolution. Evidence 
was taken at Halifax, St. John, Quebec and Montreal, and six reports submitted to govern- 
ment embracing some 1,500 claims. Most of these are to be found in the Report of the 
Bureau of Archives of the Province of Ontario for 1904. An even more full transcript in 
manuscript (30 large volumes) is to be found in the Lenox Library in New York. 

t This is the first parish meeting of which the records are preserved at Shelburne. It is 
quite possible that the previous records were destroyed because of the desire to bury the past 
in oblivion. 



of £620 was accepted. The church was finished "in a handsome work- 
man-like manner and of excellent materials " in December, 1789. The 
people contributed a sum amounting to £200 and upwards towards the 
cost. They were indebted to the home government for a donation of 
£200 sterling. The Marquis of Lansdowne (formerly Lord Shelburne), 
for whom the town was named, contributed twenty guineas to the build- 


ing fund, and Sir William Pepperell ten guineas. The church was opened 
on Christmas day, and was greatly admired " for its neatness and easy 
accommodation of the parishioners." The S. P. G. report rather mourn- 
fully states that the church, " planned for a large congregation, may, by 
the constant departure of the people, be wanted only for a small one." 
During this year Mr. Rowland baptized 27 and buried 7. Dr. Walter 
baptized 69 infants and 6 adults, married 17 couples and buried 18 

The church wardens took seizure and possession of the church in due 
form by receiving from the hands of the builders, Messrs. Hildreth & 
White, the key of the great west door, turning out the said builders, and 
locking the door upon them, and then immediately opening the door 


Bishop Charles Inglis visited Shelburne in July, 1790, and confirmed 
284 candidates, of whom 8 were blacks. At the time of his visit (July 
30th) the church was consecrated as Christ Church, and the sermon was 
preached by Air. Rowland at the Bishop's request. Dr. Walter was 
absent in Boston, where he removed soon after to accept the charge of 
Christ Church. The number of communicants in Shelburne was 85 ; of 
baptisms, 76 infants and 9 adults; burials, 15. Forty children, were then 
in the negro school at Birch Town. 

In 1 79 1 Bishop Inglis gives the number of the inhabitants of Shel- 
burne as 3,500 white people and 1,162 blacks — 350 of the latter at Birch 
Town, where Colonel Bluck taught 44 children in his school. There 
were in the Town 12 schools — 9 kept by men and 3 by women — and about 
257 scholars out of probably 770 needing instruction. In the town and 
its environs were 202 heads of families, taxables, who were professors 
of the Church of England, besides 50 bachelors and a large number too 
poor to be taxed, amounting in all to 1,500 or 2,000 souls. 

After the retirement of Rev. Dr. Walter, in 1791, Mr. Rowland be- 
came sole rector of the two parishes, which on the 10th of May, 1793, 
were joined under the name of " The United Parishes of St. George and 
St. Patrick." 



There came into the possession of the writer of this paper, some time 
ago, several fragmentary returns connected with the arrival and settle- 
ment of the disbanded soldiers at bhelburne in the autumn of 1783. The 
notes that follow are based upon these papers. They should be read in 
connection with the references in Marston s journal to the survey and 
distribution of lots to the soldiers under dates from October 24th to 
November 27th, 1783. One of the documents is entitled a "Return of 
Soldiers discharged trom the 23d Regiment (or Royal Weish Fusiliers) 
embarked on Board the Brig Hopewell, George Garbut, Master, & ordered 
by the Commander-in-Chief to join Capt. Edmund Ward's Company, 
Bound for Port Roseway." 

This return is signed at Shelburne by Edmund Ward on the 25th 
October, 1783, — presumably upon the ship's arrival. The names in the 
list are : 

Francis Every, Patrick Logan, James Murphy, William Marsland, Owen Ellis, 
Andrew Brown, John Philips, John Browning, John Hannigan, Andrew Legg, 
Thomas Owens, William Stone, William Redhead, William Anderson, Thomas 
Compton, Ledwick Demmelind, Richard Bright, John Morris, James Short, Robert 
Morrison, John Myers, James Tarrain, William Clark, John Bud, James Lithwhite, 
James McCowan, John Caylar, James Bruce. 

There were also six women and three children included in the return. 
Another return, which should be coupled with this, contains the names 
of ten men. It is headed : " A return of the Remainder of ye 23d Reg't 
disembarct from on bord the Charmen Nancey ye 1 November, 1783." 
The names included are : 

Corporal Robert Mugford, Randal Prew, Charles Conner, Richard Digells, 
Nathan Allcock, Patrick Bradley, Richard Young, Henry Klapper, James Munday, 
James Hunter. 

Another list of disbanded soldiers contains the names of a detach- 
ment of the 42nd or Royal Highland Regiment, viz. : 

Serg't John Urquart, Corporal John McKenzie, Corporal William Forbes, 
Andrew Jameson, Wm. Campbell, John Shaw, Wm. Stewart, John Cunningham, 
George Buchanan, Wm. Campbell 2d, Donald Forbes, Andrew Lightbody, James 
Cameron, Donald McGregor, Robert McLeod, William Sutherland, Donald Mc- 


"No date is attached to this list, but it is undoubtedly of about the same 
date as the others. Marston in his journal, on the 31st October (see 
page 239, ante), speaks of the drawing of forty-three town lots, 9 by 
disbanded soldiers of the 42nd Regiment, 5 by the men of the 76th, and 
29 by men of the 23rd. The list which follows supplies the names of the 
men from two of these corps : 

"A list of the Names of the 426. & 76th Regts at work; 42d Regt, Serjt John 
Urquhart, Corpl. William Forbes, Corpl. John McKenzie, Donald. McKenzie, Wm. 
Stewart, Donald McGregor, Andrew Jameson, John Shaw, Wm. Campbell; 76th 
Regt, Serjt. Donald McKay, Corpl. Neil McLean, Alexander McDonald, Rory 
McDonald, Wm. McKegan." 

The expression " at work " no doubt means that the men were assist- 
ing in cutting down the trees and underbrush for Mr. Tully, the sur- 
veyor, and his chainmen, who were staking out their lots. The twenty- 
nine men of the 23d Regiment, who were located by Marston at this time, 
came in the brig " Hopezvell, with Capt. Edmund Ward, as narrated 

The names of the men of the 40th Regiment who received lands at 
this time will be found in the following: 

" List of the Men's Names Discharged from the 40th Regiment to Settel in 
Port Roseway 31st October, 1783 : Sergt. Andrew Goodick, Corporals John Irwin, 
Alex'r Flagg, James Mands, John McDermott ; Privates, Benjamin Thompson, 
Francis Adams, James Waters. John Flag, David Beatey, Peter Crow, David 
Jenkins, Math'w Wallis, Charles Hamilton, Charles Greer, Timothy Hamond, 
Francis Brook, Math'w Philips, Bartho. Carney, Thos. Burk, Thomas Gibson, 
Darby Connor, James Connolly. John Ward, John Bank, Robert Cheeck, Thos. 
Earley, John Tiert, Peter Molligan, Hugh Loughron, Charles Gillis, John Brown, 
Joseph Bydel, Joseph Winkler, Philip Drum, Alex'r McAndrew, Daniel Carter, 
John Lengon. Robert Johnston, Martin Greger, James Boyd, James Hall, Rich'd 
Sandford, James Connely, William Fegan, Hugh Hill, Robert Lebourn, John Daley, 
John Wade, George Williamson, George Harekood, Thomas Hughes, John Price, 
Robert Flax, Francis McSherry, James Mullen, Arthur Donnely, Patrick Hickey, 
Arth'r Campbell. Fred McLoughlin, Michel Wilson. Total, 61." 

Next we have the " Return of the men of the 57th Regiment that 
came on board the Congress, Transport, disembarked on the 25th October, 
1783, viz.: 

Sergts— Robert McGaughey, Edward Richards, Henry Echlin. 

Corporals — John Hembry, Samuel Haggin, Samuel Morrison, John Purdy, 
James Hughston, Patrick Carney. 

Privates — William Copeland, John Kenedy, Edward Millson, James Healey, 
Thomas Rees, Daniel Fitzgerald, Thomas Moreing, Samuel Knight, George Price, 


Thomas Charlton. David Bartley, John Jones, Thomas Martin, Patrick Phillips, 
Patrick Murphy, William Foesett, Daniel lrwine, William Allen, James Keenan, 
Erasmus Lewis. Barney Rogers, William Callaghan, Joseph Savage. Total, 32." 

*' Return of the men discharged from the 80th Regt, ; 3d Nov'r, 1783: 

Serjeant James Dick, Serjt. Cowin (.sick), Serjt. EdgUtin, Serjt. Inglis (sick), 
Serjt. Bnchan, Corp'l Young, Corp'l McDonald; Privates, Jas. Patterson, Thos. 
Hntton. Jno. Walker. Peter Bane, Thos. Smith, Peter Sharp, Jno. Foord, Jas. 
Smith. Patrick Barns, Jno. Brown (sick), And'w Brown, George Aitken, Archibald 
I Tall. Ernest Smith. Jas. Stewart, Jas. McCartine, Thos. Alexander, Jas. Binnie, 
Jos. Jefferson, Thos. Slisseer, Wm. Jones, Rich'd Lamb, Wm. Kelly, Arch'd Man- 

derson, Mich'l Coffie (sick), Peter Good, James Long, Martin Black, 

McNaughton, Jas. Lindsay, And'w Wilson, Robert Tulloch, Nath'l McCormuck, 
William Cameron. Total, 41. 

The last and longest list preserved among Marston's papers is the 
following: "List of the men discharged from the 76th Reg't, Shelburne, 
1st Nov'r, 1783 : 

Serjeants — John Mc Vicar, Gilbert McKay, Thos. Martin, Grigory Grant, Alex. 
Gatherer, Donald Henderson, Alex. McDonald, Donald McKay, Jas. Douglass, 
Henry Sinclair. Peter Fisher, John Tochar, Donald Cameron, Donald McDonald, 
John Henderson, George Hunter, Alex. McDonald, Lachlin McKinnon. 

Corporals — John Robertson, Niel McLean, Chas. McLachlin, Wm. Irvin, Niel 
McLean. Alex. McDonald, John McPherson, Niel Robertson, James Cormick, 
John McDonald, Donald Mclnnis, James Rea, John Mathison. 

Drummers — Wm. Cummings, Alex. Douglass, Robt. Spiers, Samuel Hunter, 
Barnet Duffy, Duncan McLean. 

Privates — Malcolm Nicholson, Angus McDonald, Donald Buchanan, Alex. 
Mcintosh, Xorman McKenzie, John McDonald, Norman McDonald, John McLeod, 
John McLean, Arch'd McDonald, Chas. Clark, Alex. McLean, Donald Cameron, 
Robt. [nnis, Alex. McLean 1st, Alex. McLean 2d, John McLeod, Arch'd McDonald, 
Angus McLeod, John Campbell, Robt. McDonald, Rory McDougald, John Smith, 
Angus Mclntyre, John McKenzie, John Martin, Wm. Forbes, John McLeod, John 
Jacobson, Peter Morison, Alex. McDonald, Arch'd McDonald, John Curry, John 
Cutt, Finlay Mcintosh, Lodowick McLean, Lachlan McLean, Donald Mathison, 
Rory McDonald, Alex. McDonald, John McMillan, Wm. McKigan, James Ross, 
Xiel Mc Isaac, Jas. McDaniel, John McDonald, John McLean, John Kidd, Angus 
Mclnnis, Donald Cutt. John McDonald, Thos. Randies, Niel Stewart, Donald 
Mclvir, Archibald Barry, John McGilivray, Andrew Anderson, Murdo McLeod, 
John McDonald, Jas. Rose, Chas. McKinnon, Colin McCallum, Alex. McLachlin, 
Farquhar McLean, John McGonigill, Jas. Golding, Edward Newton, Wm. Elliot, 
Tho<=. Kassy, John White, Angus McLeod. Total, 108. 


This last regiment, it will be seen at a glance, was composed of 
Scottish Highlanders, with McDonalds, McLeans and McLeods galore. 

The arrival of most of the British regulars at Shelburne was so late 
in ( )ctober that all could not get upon their locations, notwithstanding 
the best efforts of the surveyors and their assistants. Many were obliged 
to hut for the winter near the shore. The lands assigned them in 
Parr's division, at the upper end of the town, did not please them and a 
considerable number removed the next year to Prince Edward Island — 
then called the Island of St. John. It will be of interest to compare the 
data suplied in this appendix with the table at page 243. 

Note. — At page 243 the figures for the 64th Regiment are by mistake twice 

The plan at page 229 is reduced from the original scale of 5 chains to the inch 
to 2]/^ chains to the inch. 



New Brunswick 

Historical Society 

NO. 9. 

ST. JOHN, N. B.: 

Barnes & Co., Limited, Prince William Street. 


Since the publication of the last number of its Collections 
the Historical Society has participated in several functions 
of historic interest. One of these was the unveiling of the 
fine memorial statue to Samuel de Champlain which now 
stands on Queen Square in the City of St. John. The statue 
was unveiled by his Worship Mayor Frink, on the 24th of June, 
1910, in the presence of an immense concourse of citizens. 
The date selected was the three hundred and sixth anniversary 
of the discovery of the port and noble river that still bear 
the name which was given to them in honour of the day of 
their discovery by the great explorer. Among the speakers 
on the occasion were the Hon. J. D. Hazen, premier of New 
Brunswick, Hon. Dr. Landry, Minister of Agriculture, his 
Worship the Mayor, and Clarence Ward, Esq., president of the 
Historical Society. Hon. Dr. Landry, by request, spoke 
both in English and French. The presence of the 3rd Regi- 
ment of Canada Artillery under Lieut. -Col. J. B. M. Baxter, 
and of the 62nd Fusiliers under Lieut. -Col. J. L. McAvity, 
with the two regimental bands, added to the impressiveness 
of the occasion and to the enjoyment of the multitude. 

On the 19th August, 1911, the Society enjoyed an excur- 
sion up the Long Reach to Caton's Island in the New Ferry 
Steamer "Governor Carleton." 

Here a memorial stone tablet was unveiled bearing the 
following inscription : 






IN 1611, 



Erected by the New Brunswick Historical Society, 
August, 1911. 


300 Introductory. 

A large number of people had assembled from the surround- 
ing country. Addresses were delivered by Mayor Frink, 
James Lowell, the present owner of the island; Col. J. R. 
Armstrong, Dr. Geo. U. Hay and Rev. Dr. Raymond. 

The nil 'let was unveiled by Timothy O'Brien, the president 
of tln i Society, assisted by Dr. Geo. F. Matthew of the 
Natural History Society. The memorial cairn and tablet 
stand at or very near the site of the settlement as described 
by the Jesuit chronicler, Pierre Biard, in 1611. 

The Society has still in hand the classification and binding 
oi the muster-rolls of the Loyalist regiments that served on the 
side of the Grown during the Revolutionary War in America. 
The work was done under the supervision of the librarian of 
the Society, Mr. Jonas Howe, w T ho had very nearly completed 
his task when failing health compelled him to abandon it. 
The work, however, will shortly be finished. Handsomely 
bound in some sixty odd volumes and properly indexed, these 
records of Revolutionary times will form a unique and very 
valuable collection. 

Since the issue of the last number of its Collections our 
Society has been called upon to deplore the loss of a number 
of its active and valued members, including several of its 
founders. Mr. S. D. Scott's departure to Vancouver w r as a 
distinct loss to the Society, removing one of our none too 
numerous band of serious workers. But death has removed 
also such valued members as Dr. James Hannay, Dr. William 
P. Dole, Dr. George U. Hay, D. Russell Jack, Jonas Howe 
and H. H. Pickett, all of whom have rendered valuable 
service in promoting the objects of the Society. 

In closing this brief introduction it will perhaps be well to 
state that the present number of the Collections completes 
Volume III, the index at the end covering the last three numbers. 

William O. Raymond. 

St. John, N. B., March 10, 1914. 





Edited by W. F. Ganong. 

(Continued from Page 203 of Vol, III.) 

6. The Official Account of the Destruction of Burnt 


On the north side of the Inner Bay of Miramichi stand 
the modern twin English and Indian villages of Burnt Church, 
known to have taken their name from the burning of a French 
Church there by the British about the time of the Fall of 
Quebec. The local account of the matter is, however, 
incorrect in details, because derived from Cooney's well- 
known History, which, misled by erroneous tradition, gives 
a wrong setting to this incident. I have long sought the 
original official account of the burning of the church, and at 
length have found it in the document which follows. It is 
contained in the Public Record Office in London, where it is 
classified officially as C. O. 5, Vol. 53, (formerly A. & W. I. 
Vol. 79). The copy has been made for me with care by an 
expert direct from the original, and is here printed exactly 
to a letter. 

The facts are, that in 1758, as a part of the campaign 
against the French in Canada, an effort was made by the 
British to destroy all the French settlements around the Gulf 
of Saint Lawrence. In pursuance of this plan General Wolfe 
sent Colonel Murray to destroy the settlements at Miramichi, 


and it is Colonel Murray's report of his operations which 
is here presented. Those interested in these matters will 
recall that Colonel Monckton was at this very time preparing 
for an expedition of similar object against the French on 
the Saint John, his report forming an earlier number (No. 1) 
of this series. 

Louisbourg 24th. September 1758. 

I have the Honor to acquaint you that all the Fleet, 
(except the small sloop which parted from Us at Sea and did 



not join I s till we were on our return to Louisbourg,) made 
Miramichi Bay the 15th instant, and came to an Anchor in 
an open Road, seven Leagues from the Settlement and three 
from the Barr, exposed 16 Points of the Compass;* Capt. 
Yaughan expressed much Uneasiness at the Situation of the Ships, 
but as the Weather was moderate and promised to continue 

*The geographical relations of the places mentioned in this document are displayed 

by the accompanying map. The settlement here meant is shown clearly by the context 

to be that on the site of the modern Burnt Church. At first sight the distance to the 

Settlement from the ships seems greatly overstated, and to some extent this is true, but 

stance int<-nHed is evidently that by way of the roundabout channels the boats 

to take. The Report uses loosely the terms Bay and River. 


so for sonic time, he eagerly embraced the Opportunity and 
agreed with me, that we should immediately with the 
Artillery Sloop and the Boats of the Fleet proceed up the 
River and attack the Settlement, representing to me the 
necessity of returning quickly, as the Ships in the Situation they 
were in, without Boats or Men, could not possibly escape being 
lost, should the Gales of Wind blow, which are naturally to be 
expected at this Season of the Year; As we had this morn- 
ing chased a Privatier into the River which in Company 
with a Sloop we saw fire several Guns, I mounted the two 
Six Pounders in our Sloop and contrived to embark Three 
Hundred Men in her and the Boats, there is but Six Feet 
Water on the Barr at low Water; We were therefore obliged 
to wait a little this side of it till the Tide rose by which 
means it was dark before we could get over it, we struck 
upon it but got safe within Muskett Shott of the Settlement 
about 12 at Night, Joseph the Indian being our Pilot, we 
landed and found all the Inhabitants, (except the King's 
Surgeon and Family) had desert'd it, this man told me, 
that the Inhabitants consist of the neutral French w T ho fled 
from Nova Scotia, that they expected no Quarter from Us 
and had therefore run away, that le Pere Bonavanture was 
with them, their Number about Forty, that there are several 
Habitations dispersed all over the Bay, for many Leagues 
both above and below where we were, That many Indians 
inhabit this Bay, but chiefly about where we were and 
below,* That they lived sometimes in one place sometimes 
in another, having no fixed residence till the Winter, That on 
the other side the Bay there was a Settlement of about 
Thirty Family's Three Leagues from Us, to destroy which I 
immediately detached a Party,! that Ten Leagues up the 
River there was another Settlement very considerable of 
Neutrals and some Family's who had fled from the Island of 
St. John's since the taking of Louisbourg, that the whole were 
in a starving Condition, had sent away most part of their Effects 
to Canada, and were all to follow immediately as they every 
Hour expected the English, J and besides could not subsist, 

*This helps other evidence to locate this place, for Burnt Churcfa. was at that time, 
as now, the principal Indian Settlement on Miramichi Bay. Compare Smethurst's nar- 
rative earlier in this series (page 375, Volume II). 

tThis was obviously the French Village at Bay du Vin, the largest on Miramichi 
Bay. The historical data we possess concerning it, together with a map and picture of 
the site, are given in Acadiensis, VIII, 1933, 171. The distance mentioned is correct. 

jThis settlement was of course the one well-known to tradition and often mentioned in 
the documents of the time, at Wilson's Point, just above Beaubear's Island. It numbered 


since they could not now be supported by Sea as they former- 
ly were before Louisbourg was taken, that the Inducement 
for settling in that River was the Furr Trade, which is very 
considerable, no less than Six Vessels having been loaded 
there with that Commodity this Summer, That Monsr. 
Boisbert commands the whole as well as the Settlement on 
St. John's River, That he is at present with his Company 
at Fort George, against which he is to act in Conjunction 
with a Detachment from Montcalm's Army and is no more 
to return to Miramichi, which is abandoned for the reasons 
already given,* That the two Vessels we had seen, were, one 
a Privatier mounting Six Carriage Guns, the other a Sloop 
which had an Officer and Twenty Five Men on board for 
Canada, they had escaped from Cape Britain, but being 
chased by one of our Frigates off Gaspee, I suppose the 
Kennington, were now to make the best of their way inland 
to Canada, there being a Communication from the head of 
Miramichi River to Quebeck by Rivers and Lakes a few 
Portages excepted, f He added that the Passage up the River 
to the Settlement Ten Leagues up, was very narrow but 
water enough for the Sloop; As the Weather was still fair 
and promising, I immediately, upon this Consideration, wrote 
to Capt. Vaughan for some Guns to mount upon the Sloop (as I 
found our Six Pound field Pieces w r ould not work in her) and 
some more Provisions, that I might proceed up the River 
to destroy every thing in it, but he sent me the enclosed 
Letters one after the other, I likewise took cafe to have 
Capt. Bickerton consulted about the Situation of the Fleet, 
who declared he could not Sleep while it continued where 
it was; I therefore in the Evening of the 17th in Obedience 
to your Instructions embarked the Troops, having two Days 
hunted all around Us for the Indians and Acadians to no 
purpose, we however destroyed their Provisions, Wigwams 
and Houses, the Church which was a very handsome one 

at times some hundreds of families. See Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada,V, 
1899, ii, 295, and also the reference on page 337 later. The documents substantiate fully 
this statement as to the starving condition of the refugee French. 

*Boishebert, by far the most capable and prominent of the French commanders of the 
period in the part of Acadia now forming New Brunswick. His exploits receive full 
mention in the documents of the time. Beaubear's Island perpetuates his name on the 

tThe portage routes from Miramichi to Quebec are well-known, as recorded in the 
Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, V, 1899, ii, 251, 252 and XII, 1906, ii, 93, 94. 
The easiest and most probable,, though not the shortest, route for this exodus, was that 
by Tains River and the Gaspereau, recently described in detail in the Bulletin of the 
Natural History Society of New Brunswick, VI, 1910, 210 and 1912, 429. 


built with Stone, did not escape.* We took Numbers of Cattle, 
Hogs and Sheep, and Three Hogsheads of Beaver Skins, and 
I am persuaded there is not now a French Man in the River 
Miramichi, and it will be our fault if they are ever allowed 
to settle there again, as it will always be in the Power of 
two or three Armed Vessels capable of going over the Barr, 
to render them miserable should they attempt it. I thought 
it was a pity that the two Vessels I have mentioned should 
escape Us,f and therefore proposed to the Sea Commanders 
to go up with the Sloop manned with Soldiers to attack her 
and desired some Six Pounders, but they declared she was 
not in a Condition to carry any, and was otherwise very 
improper for such an Enterprize; If this could have been 
done the Fleet might have proceeded to Sea, out of the 
Danger it was exposed to, by lying in the open Road. We 
are now returned to Louisbourg in the same Situation we left 
you at Gaspee; I am etc. 

J a. Murray 

Brigadier Genl. W'olfe. 

a true Copy 

Jam: Wolfe. 

endorsed: Copy of Colonel Murray's Report. 

in Brig. Genl. Wolfes of Nov. 1st. 1758. 

It is thus proven that Burnt Church was destroyed by 
Colonel Murray in 1758, acting under orders from General 

*This church is known to have stood at that part of Neguac ever since called Burnt 
Church. It is a fact of great interest in this connection that a picture of the church and 
its surroundings, with a representation of the attack by this expedition, was made by one 
of the officers. Captain Hervey Smythe, and published later in London. It is reproduced, 
with further details, in Acadiensis, VIII, 1908, 269. That the church shown in that picture 
stood at the Burnt Church of today, is shown by ample topographical evidence mentioned 
in the article just cited, whore also it is shown that the old stone church stood a little 
nearer the Burnt Church River than the present church at the Indian village. 

tAn interesting side light upon the use then being made of these two vessels is given 
by a passage in Bougainville's Journal, sent me by Professor J. M. Clarke of Albany, the 
well-known authority on Gaspe. The passage reads: — "On the 11th, [Sept., 1758] they 
despatched a frigate, a fireship and six transports carrying a force of 300 men to destroy 
the houses and camp of Miramichi where there were 150 men. Being warned, however, 
of the design of the English, they had time to prepare to receive them. Two IFrenchl 
boats each carrying three guns were laid broadside on to block the Miramichi River a 
league below the camp and men were placed on the two points. The English on seeing 
this preparation didn't venture to make any attack." Our document shows clearly that 
the English were unaware of these preparations. 


Wolfe, as part of a plan of military operations. The account 
by Cooney, contained in his History of Northern New Bruns- 
wick and the District of Gaspe, 1832, and widely accepted 
locally, is erroneous in almost every particular. Cooney 
says (page 35), thai after the conquest of Quebec a vessel 
containing the remains of General Wolfe and carrying des- 
patches, was driven by stress of weather or other adverse 
circumstances into Miramichi, where the captain resolved to 
replenish his stock of water, and despatched six men for 
the purpose. They proceeded to Hendersons Cove (see the 
accompanying' map), and having loaded their boat were 
rambling about when they were surprised and murdered, with 
refined tortures, by the Indians, supposed to be assisted by 
the French. In retaliation the Captain proceeded up the 
river, destroyed all the French settlements there, and on his 
way out to sea burnt the Chapel at Neguac, thus originating 
the name Burnt Church. A form of this erroneous tradition 
is given by Father Gaynor on page 56 of this volume of these 

It is perhaps not worth while to discuss Cooney 's account, 
which evidently rests upon distorted traditions. But we may 
point out the utter improbability of a vessel bound from 
Quebec to England on an important mission putting into 
Miramichi, a place far out of her course, and supposed at 
that time to be highly dangerous for navigation, as our 
document incidentally shows. Moreover, (as recorded in 
Wright's Life of Major General James Wolfe, London, 1864, 
page 594), it is known that General Wolfe's remains were 
taken to England on a man of war, the Royal William, 
obviously a vessel quite unadapted to the navigation of the 
Miramichi. We may note, as well, the improbability of so 
great an ascent of the river for a water supply. In one other 
minor feature Cooney 's account must also be wrong, viz., 
the Acadian Indians did not torture prisoners. 

Traditions, however, while highly untrustworthy in details, 
arc- rarely manufactured altogether, but have generally some 
nucleus of fact. In this case I believe that Cooney has 
recorded a tradition which had really linked together two 


separate events. Thus the matter of the six British sailors 
seems to find a support in a Riviere des Six Bretons (qy. 
Britons — English?), applied to a stream on the north side 
of the Miramichi, apparently at about the position of the 
present Bartibog, on the early French maps. The earliest 
on which I find the name is that of Sieur l'Hermitte of 1724, 
putting the event, if the connection is genuine, before that 
date, though I set no great store by this matter. More 
important is this fact; — we know that in the year 1690, two 
English privateers from New York pillaged the French 
settlements at Port Royal and elsewhere in Acadia, and 
destroyed utterly the French establishment at Gaspe, as fully 
discussed in the Champlain Society's Edition of Father le 
Clerq's New Relation of Gaspesia, 68; and there is every 
probability, sustained by some little clues of evidence, given 
in that work, that they also pillaged and destroyed the 
establishment which Richard Denys de Fronsac had previous 
to that time, maintained near Beaubears Island (see also 
papers in Xo. 4 of this series). Taking everything together it 
would seem probable that a half dozen men from one of these 
privateers were ambushed and killed by Indians and French' 
at some stream on the Miramichi, perhaps the Bartibog, 
while the vessels were working their way up the river; and 
that later these privateers kept on to the settlement of Denys 
de Fronsac, north of Beaubears Island, where they burnt his 
establishment, including the chapel which he would certainly 
have had at his fort. Then in time tradition confused this 
event with Colonel Murray's expedition, finally uniting them 
into one incident in the way recorded in Cooney. All of the 
data and conditions of the case are harmonized by this supposi- 

7. The Foundations of the Modern Settlement of the 


The history of the important region of the Miramichi 
tails into three distinct periods — first, — the pre-historic, the 
time of the Micmacs: second, the abortive attempts of the 
Denys, especially Richard Denys de Fronsac, to establish 


a feudal colony at the Great Forks of the River, the history 
of which is given in the nineteen documents forming No. 4 
of this series; third, the temporary settlement in the same 
region of great numbers of Acadian refugees driven from their 
former homes by the events which culminated in 1755-59; 
and fourth the modern settlement, unbroken down to the 
present. The history of the second period is told in some 
detail in the documents above mentioned; that of the third 
period is hardly yet written; that of the fourth and last is 
laid bare as to its foundations by the documents which follow. 

It is perfectly well known that the modern settlement of 
the Miramichi began with the attempts of William Davidson 
and John Cort, two Scotchman, to establish on the Miramichi 
a fishing and trading colony, for the encouragement of which 
they received from the Nova Scotian government a great 
grant, a towmship of 100,000 acres of land, in the year 1765. 
The leader was William Davidson, Cort soon disappearing 
from the enterprise, and it is William Davidson's own account 
of the foundation, of his settlements at Miramichi which 
constitutes the most important of the documents which follow. 
These papers exist among the invaluable series of "Land 
Memorials" which are the property of the Province of New 
Brunswick and are preserved among its records at Fredericton. 

For these particular copies I am indebted to the very 
generous aid of Dr. Raymond, who has made it possible for 
me to correct my copies direct from the originals, thus ensur- 
ing their accuracy. 

The first document bears no date, but belongs evidently 
in the latter part of the year 1785, since the Inquisition for 
the escheat of the land is shown by the records at Fredericton 
to have been issued August 3, 17S5 (compare also these 
Collections, 11-99). The document is very neatly written, 
on double leaves of large foolscap, evidently by a professional, 
probably a lawyer's clerk, for the handwriting is very different 
from that of Davidson himself contained in the two documents 
which follow later. It will be remembered that the authorit- 
ies of Nova Scotia, faced in 1783 by the problem of finding 


homes for the great numbers of Loyalists, were seriously 
embarassed by the existence of great grants of land on which 
the legal conditions of the grants, as to settlement, etc., had not 
been complied with, but which could not be regranted to other 
settlers without certain rather elaborate legal preliminaries in- 
volved in the process of escheat. The province of New Bruns- 
wick, when set off from Nova Scotia in 1784, inherited of 
course these encumbrances, and proceeded to escheat the 
greater grants on which the least settlement had been made; 
and Davidson and Cort's grant was one of these. And now 
we shall let the documents speak for themselves. 

To His Excellency Thomas Carleton Esquire Captain General 
and Governor in Chief in and over His Majestys Province 
of New Brunswick, etc., etc., etc. 

The Memorial of William Davidson. 

Respectfully Sheweth, — 

That by a Letter receiv'd from the Honble, Jonathan 
Odell Esqr. Secretary of this Province, Your Memorialist 
is informed that Orders have Issued for entering a Process 
against A Grant to your Memorialist and another* of 100,000, 
Acres of Land on Meriamerchie in order that it may be 
Escheated to the Crown. — - 

That Your Memorialist being ignorant of any such intent 
on the part of Government untill the receipt of the above 
mentioned Letter hath hitherto omitted making known to 
your Excellency the circumstances attending that Grant 
and the state of his improvement and prospects relative 
thereto, but he has that confidence in your Excellencys 
Equity and justice as to persuade himself that if on a candid 
and impartial inquiry into the whole state of matters, it should 
appear reasonable to indulge your Memorialist with a longer 
time to comply with the condition of the Grant, it will be 
readily extended to him notwithstanding the beforemention'd 
Order has already issued, and that it will be revoked and 
Annulled. — 

That in the year 1705, Your Memorialist who is a native 
of North Britain and from his youth has been concerned 

*The "another" refers of course to his co-grantee, John Cort, of whom more is said 


in Salmon fisheries, came over to Halifax to propose to 
Government the setling a Salmon Fishery in some part of 
Nova Scotia, provided he cou'd obtain terms adequate to 
the risk he shou'd run by disbursing large sums of money 
in what was then in nova Scotia, in a manner a new and on 
main accounts an exceedingly hazardous undertaking (as 
the event has fully demonstrated) That his reception was very 
favorable and he was encouraged to fix on a proper place or 
places for his purpose with Assurances that they shou'd be 
granted him. That Your Memorialist employ'd one whole 
summer in exploreing the Coast in a vessel of his own at a 
great expence, and at length fixed on Meriamerchie, then 
with the whole of that Coast unsettled and frequented only 
by Indians. That Your Memorialist on his return to Halifax 
obtained the Grant in question of 100,000 Acres, altho the 
quantity sounds large was at that time in its then situation 
of very inconsiderable value, and wou'd probably have 
remained so to this day had not the exertions of your Memor- 
ialist together with his perseverance and the large sums of 
money he has expended on it, render 'd it otherwise. 

That Your Memorialist then bought and freighted a 
vessell with what he thought necessary and began his settle- 
ment and Fishery in which besides the numerous accidents 
and obstructions to which the peopleing of all new Countries 
is liable, and the peculiar difficulties and disadvantages of a 
rigorous Northern climate, he was also very unfortunate as 
your Excellency will observe hereafter. 

That Your Memorialist in a manner introduced the Salmon 
Fishery into this Province, which was before either neglected 
or of small importance, and was the first person who exported 
them from America to the Medeteranian, which he did in 
Vessels of his own builing at Meriamerchie where as early as 
177.°) he built a Ship of 300 Tons the first* and to this day 
the largest constructed in this Province. 

That a Ship of 160 tons burthen built by him at Meriam- 
erchie and loaded with fish of his own catching was intirely 
lost on the Island of St. Johns in her passage to Europe in 
the Year 1775. That this was only the forerunner of his 
misfortunes, as the breaking out of the late Rebellion at 
that time expos 'd him and his people to the depredations 
and Attacks of the Rebels and of the Indians who joined 
them, many of his vessels were also captured by the enemy, 

*Not the first, for Messrs. Simonds & White, in 1769, had built and launched a small 
schooner at St. John, called the "Betsy." — W. O. R. 


his remitances were lost and the salt and the other necessaries 
for the Fishery intercepted; these Accumulated evils grew at 
length insupportable, and discouraged with a long train of 
dangers losses and disappointments Your Memorialist and 
most of the People quitted the settlement the latter end of 
the Year 1777, and return 'd to the River St. Johns to wait 
more favorable times The prudence of their conduct was soon 
evinced the Indians having come to an Unanimous resolition 
of Massacreing the few who remain' d and they were saved 
only by the Accidental and providential arrival of one of 
his Majestys Ships, on board of which the principal Indians 
were decoy 'd and carried on board to Quebec as Prisoners.* 
That at the time your Memorialist arriv'd at the River 
St. John Government was greatly in want of large Masts 
Yards and Bowsprits, formerly supplied from the United 
States as the Rebellion in which they were engaged had at 
once increas'd the demand and stoped the supply. That 
many fruitless attempts were made to procure Masts from 
this Province, all of which had miscarried, and it was thought 
impracticable, as supposing proper sticks cou'd be found 
here (which was made a question of) yet the great trouble 
and expense in procuring them, joined to the danger of the 
Attempt, from the Neighborhood of the Enemy, not only 
deterr'd private persons from the undertaking, but even 
Government refused to advance a single shilling on so uncer- 
tain an undertaking, but your Memorialist undismayed by 
these numerous difficulties, at his own risk made the attempt 
and not only discover 'd large quantities of Timber fit for 
the purpose, but actually delivered to Government a number 
of Masts, Yards, and Bowsprits, equal in size and quality 
to the best of those formerly obtained from America, Added 
another Article to the Colony's exports, and Opened a new 
source of wealth to the Province besides rinding employment 
for a number of poor people, enabled Government to supply 
themselves during the remainder of the war, with whatever 
quantity they wanted of these very necessary Articles. This 
he did without the least assistance from the Crown, the 
Masts etc. being at his own risk untill they arriv'd at Fort 
Howe; — the high sense Sir Richard Hughes then Command 't 
at Halifax had of this as a public service, and the promises 

*This matter is described in considerable detail by Cooney in his History, pp 44-45. 
Since men who had personal knowledge of the affair were still living on the Miramichi 
when Cooney was collecting the material for his book, it is probable that his account is 
substantially correct. 


made him thereupon of the favor and Countanance of Govern- 
ment will appear by his letter to your Memorialist on the subject.* 
That at the conclusion of the Peace your Memorialist 
notwithstanding the losses and discouragements he had met 
with, resumed his plan of Accomplishing a settlement at 
Mariamerchie and expended no less than £5000 for that pur- 
pose last summer, and he has there at present near 150 Men 
settled and in his employ most of whom have families. To 
these People he has advane'd £1200 within the last Eight 
Months and his reimbursment is at Present remote and 
uncertain, Your Memorialist besides settleing these people 
has engag'd to transport from Scotland a large additional 
number of people who are to come at. his expence by the 
return of the Ships that carry his Fish to Europe, he has 
also built no less than four Vessels of the burthen of 40 and 
50 Tons at and in the Neighbuorhood of Mariamerchie in the 
course of the last winter and contracted with proper workmen 
for building a large Ship and two double saw Mills there this 
summer, all which he is willing to make full proof of to. 
your Excellency. That the lands mentioned in the Grant 
are not intended by your Memorialist to be retain 'd in his 
own hands, as he has already Convey 'd a large number of 
Lotts in Fee Simple, and means to distribute most of the 
remainder in the same manner to Families he intends bringing 
from Scotland as before mentioned, but having these lands 
to distribute as he thinks proper is a matter of the utmost 
importance to him, as it enables him to draw to and place 
near him such People as are useful to him in the several 
branches of the Fishery, Ship Building etc., in which he is 
engag'd and is in a manner indispensibl to its success and it 
is also the principal support of his credit in Europe. 

From this plain detail of facts your Memorialist humbly 
Apprehends that it will appear to your Excellency that it is 
from no want of exertions on his part that the conditions 
of the Grant have not been fulfilled before this, but a long 
and unhappy war, and a succession of Private losses and 
disappointments, none of them chargable to any default or 
neglect of his, have hitherto prevented him from Accom- 
plishing what in all human probability he wou'd have 
otherwise long ago have effected, and which he still flatters 
himself your Excellencys goodness will enable him to do. 
Nor can he conceive that after his spending Twenty Years 

*A very interesting and somewhat detailed account of the masting business on the 
River Saint John at this period, including Davidson's connection therewith, is contained 
in Dr. Raymond's series of James White Papers, in vol. I (p. 326) and vol. II (see 
Index) of these Collections. 


in repeated efforts to establish his Fishery and settlement, 
in the course of which he has added no less than_ three 
capital Articles to the exports of this Country: Viz: in the 
Articles of salted Salmon, ready built Ships and Masts etc., 
for the Navy, besides bringing into this Province and finding 
employment' for a number of New settlers. Your Excellency 
will by escheating his lands made valuable only through his 
resolution, enterprize and perseverance, destroy his credit at 
home which must end in his Absolute ruin, and in Effect 
give to others what he has long looked forward to for the 
reimbursement his great expenses, toils hazards and exertions — 
he has already nearly settled the front of his Grant, and 
there is in the same part of the Province a line of river and 
Coast, making with the indentings of the Bay etc., above 
thirty times the extent of his Front yet ungranted, most of 
it equal and much of it superior to that in his possession, 
and the lands in many places much preferable, whether for 
agriculture or pasturage. On the contrary Your Memorialist 
humbly hopes your Excellency in consideration of the great 
sums of money he has been out of pocket, the time and 
Attention he has expended, and the indefatigable Attempts 
he has made to comply with the conditions of his Grant, as 
also the service, he has been of to the Province w T ill be pleas'd 
to suspend the intended Process of Escheatment for two 
Years at the end of which time your Memorialist has no- 
Objection to its proceeding, And this favor your Memorialist 
wou'd receive with the Utmost thankfullness, and as the 
only one he has to wish for from Government. 

Wm. Davidson. 

The foregoing Memorial had not the desired effect, for 
the "Inquisition" into the State of the grant was taken on 
August 3, 1785, as shown by the records of escheat preserved 
at Fredericton. As usual in such cases, the inquiry was made 
by a jury which personally visited the localities concerned. 
Some particulars as to the work of this jury are given in an 
extract from Benjamin Marston's diary, reproduced by 
Dr. Raymond in these Collections, II, 99, showing that six days 
of work were required, with much travel. Fortunately the 
statement of the conditions they found is preserved, and 
forms the document which follows, the great value of 
which, from the point of view of the local history of Miramichi, 
is too obvious to need comment. It contains the names of the 
ancestors of some of the most prominent families of that region. 




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The finding of the jury was "conditions not performed" 
Medians last cited, p. 99). In other words the conditions 
underwhich the grant of 100,000 acres had been made, requiring 
the actual settlement of a certain considerable percentage of 
the land, had not been met, and hence the grant was subject 
to revocation or escheat. The actual legal process, however, 
required time, which helps to explain, the following second 
Memorial of Davidson's. Although it involves some repetition 
of matters contained in the preceding Memorial, it is here 
reproduced in full, with every peculiarity of spelling and 
punctuation preserved. It is written in Davidson's own very 
excellent hand, and the reader will note the clearness and vigor 
()( expression, characteristic of a man of ability, though the 
orthography reflects the life of the man of action, who had 
neither time nor opportunity for the acquisition of the refine- 
ments of scholarship. 

To His Excelency Thomas Carlton Esquire Captain 
Genral Governor and Commander in Cheife in and over His 
Majestys Province of new Brunswick etc., etc., and To The 
Honorable His Majestys Councell for said Province 

The Memorial of William Davidson merchant att mariemeschie 
Humbly Sheweth 

That Your memorialest beeing informd that the report 
made from the inquerie, conserning the Setlement of his 
Grant att mariemeschie was that the conditions of the Grant 
had not been complyd with and therefor lyable to be es- 
cheated your memoralist puting implicet Confidence in Your 
Excelencys and the Honorable Councells Equaty and lenient 
disposition invariably observ'd to every object of its meret 
have therefor brought forward this memorial which he hops 
will Throw some new light upon the Subject he shall avoid 
as much as possable entring into minute particulars notwith- 
standing hes afraid it may be more lenthy than he culd 
wish which he hops the importence of the Subject to him 
will plead an Excuse for. 

Your memoralist in the year 1765 left his native Country 
in North Britain and came to Novascotia* with a view to 

*He wae then twenty-five years of age, as shown by the dates on his tombstone, 
noted later on page 331. 


carry on the Salmon and other Fisheries in that Province 
but particularly the former which he best understood in all 
the (liferent methods practisd in the Country he came from: 
upon his arival att Halifax he presented a memorial to the 
Governor and Councell of Novascotia seting furth his inten- 
tions and the advantages that might arise to the comunaty 
at large by opning a sourse of welth to the Province which 
was then hid or but imperfectly understood Provided he should 
meet with reasonable incuragement upon which a minet in 
councell was enterd That your memoralist shuld have any 
Two stations or Rivers in the Province granted to him that 
he might pitch upon provided they wer not already granted 
in consequence of this assurance your memoralist Engaged 
a Yessell at his own Expence and in the Course of some 
months explord divers parts of the Province at last he fixed 
on a district or part of the River mariemeschie a place then 
in a maner un known and at lest 120 miles from any Settle- 
ment on Your memoralists return to Halifax he applied to 
the Governor and Councell in conjunction with John Cort 
and they obtained a grant of one hundred thousand acars of 
land on the river mariemeschie limeted and bounded as 
discribd* in the grant bearing date 31st day of October 176.5 
with the Fisharies thereunto adjoining Such an Extensive 
tract of land was not at that Time soliceted or desird by 
Your memoralist the Fisharie alone being his object, and it 
also was the wish of Government to promote the Salmon 
Fisharie as a new article of Export but there appeared to 
them an incompatabilaty in Granting the Fisharie to one 
person and the lands at an after day to another for which 
reason the lands on each side the River adjoining to the 
limets that your memoralist had markd out for carreying 
on the Fisharie ware Granted and duble the Tract oferd If 
desir'd, Its to be observ'd that the few inhabetents then in 
so verey Extensive a Country as Novascotia Induced Govern- 
ment to grant large Tracts of land to individuals whom they 
suposed to posess a spiret of interprise and who might be 
the means of introdusing inhabetents into the Country ;f 

*The approximate boundaries of this grant are shown on a map in the Transactions 
of the Royal Society of Canada, V, 1899, ii, 331. Its lower lines are shown upon two of 
the maps accompanying this paper. An earlier grant of Oct. 24, including "part of an island 
on the south side of the Miramichi," presumably Beaubears Island, was no doubt included in 
the later larger grant. (See Report on Canadian Archives for 1894, 265). In 1773 Davidson 
arranged to sell his lands, but of course did not. (Report cited above p. 313.) 

|This is a very succinct statement of a policy which played a prominent part in the 
history of settlement in the period between the expulsion of the French and the coming of 
the Loyalists. Unfortunately the results proved far less valuable than were anticipated. 


your memoralist on obtaining the grant of which he held 
two i birds immediatly set about carreying his plan into 
Execution and for that purpose went to New England to 
procure men and the diferent materials and suplys necessary 
for carreying on the busieniss which he did and returned to 
mariemeschie early in the folowing Spring with two vessels 
one of 130 and one of 70 Tons, laden with salt and other 
necessary stores bringing with him between Twenty and 
Thirty men* Your memoralist like most undertakers of new 
scheams met with many unforsen dificultys in the prose- 
cution of his plan in the first place the mode of fishing that 
he had been used to would not answer all kinds of materials 
and mens wages were high and the greatest dificulty of all 
was to Establish the reputation of the comodity at forign 
markets so as to be on an equal footing with the like comodity 
sent from other countrys who in a long course had estab- 
lishd a reputation this requir'd uncommon care and 
perseverance in your memoralist and the same in his Freinds 
at the forign markets upon the whole the prospect becam 
gloomy and for years wore a dubtfull countenance your 
memoralist in order to imploay his people to advantage in 
the winter Time and introduce usefull mecanecks in the year 
73 undertook ship building got an able master builder from 
England and brought shipwrights from diferent parts with 
whose assistance be built a Ship of 300 Tons and loaded hir 
with a cargo of salmon and Cod fish for the Mediterenenian 
but the ship and cargo were unfortunatly lost on the coast 
of Spain the first voyage the next year 75 your memoralist 
built another vessell of 160 Tons loaded hir with fish for the 
West Indias and went in hir himself with intention to go from 
there to London, the vessell and cargo the third day after she 
saild from mariemeschie was lost on the Isiland St. Johns in 
a gale of wind and with dificulty the lives of the people were 
saved by this misfortune your memoralist sufTerd an immedi- 
ate loss of £1500 str. beside being in the dissagreeable sitaua- 
tion next to sterving for a 6 monthes winter and obligd to 
buy and patch up an old shaloup in the spring in order to 
return to mariemeschie the dissapointments resulting from this 
loss ware particularly distressing as the suplys of the insewing 
yeare for the Fisharie and suport of the inhabetents depended 
on the safe arival of that vessell but what greatl augmented 
the loss was the vesseles not being insured. the cause of 

♦It would be interesting to us to know which of these New Englanders, if any, are 
among the settlers of the foregoing list. 


which was that the news of the Governor having been carried 
of the I si land St. Johns by the Rebels and CharloteTown 
plunderd and that the Coast was infested with Privateers 
a rived in London a few days before the leters ordering 
Insurance for which reason no underwritter would Take the 
risque and the House with whom your memoralist then 
corriesponded having stop'd about that Time was the cause 
of another very importent dissapointment to him and the 
settlement in Genral as he had the preceeding year enterd 
into a Contract with that Company to suply an unlimeted 
quantity of lumber at his discration yearly for the space of 
seven years to be deliverd by him att mariemeschie by which 
he might have had a reasonable advantage to himself and 
the inhabetents a competency for their labour he began and 
furneshd a cargo from 5 to 600 Tons for which he never 
received any thing and most of it is now roting in the woods: 
and likeways all and every specie of fish fit for any forign 
market was by the same Contract to be received at Stipulated 
prices for the same number of years in the year 77 he found 
the setlement Threatnd with verey alerming dangers shuld 
the disturbance continew another year in the former year he 
had suferd much the Indeans instegated by the Rebels becom- 
ing Extreamly outrages all sourses of suply of salt provisons 
or other necessarys were by that Time become so hazard es 
that no dependence culd be reposd in it for which reason 
he resolv'd to seek an asslum with his Family and what 
propertie he culd carrey with him in this view he left mariem- 
eschie the 1st Nov. 77 and came to magorveile* where he 
purchasd some lands and stock in order to folow Farming and 
by industry to procure an honest livelehood for his Family 
till times might change your memoralists expectations were 
dissapointed in finding securaty to his Propertie as the next 
Sumer 78 he was plunderd by the Indians at magorveile of 
all the goods they culd find belonging to him being pointed 
out a person attachd to His Majistys Interest; what your 
memoralists exertsons have been while he resided at magorveile 
and how far such exertsons has been productive of the pub- 
tick good is genraly known in so much that he shal only 
beg leave to point out a few: Your memoralist being at 
Halifax in October 79 and finding Government had used every 
mdeavor to procure white pine masts in the Province of 
Novascotia and Isiland of Cape Briton for the Royal Navy 
and that all their atempts had provd unsucessfull also from 

•That is Maugerville, on the Saint John River. 


t lio reports made by those who were imployed to explore the 
country there was no reason to think that the county pro- 
duced white pine Timber fit for that purpose so that it became 
an establishd oppinion that no such thing culd be got but 
your moralist being convinced from his own knowledge of the 
conterary stepd forward and made proposals to Sir Richard 
Hughes then Lieutenant Governor of the Province and 
Commissoner of the Navy Yard att Halifax which proposals 
were that your memoralist shuld deliver the masts yards, etc., 
under the protection of His Majestys Garieson of Fort Howe 
Trimd and lit for shiping before he was intitled to draw any 
part of the payment these Proposals meeting the wishes of 
the Commissioner a contract was immediatly entred into for 
a certain number of masts yards Bowsprits and oarrafters 
such as Government wanted but at same Time it was thought 
by the commissoner and the oncers of the yard That if there 
was Timber on the River St. Johns fitt for the purpose which 
they had no reason to believe from the reports made them by 
others, yet that it would be a mater of so much risque and 
dificulty they did not think it culd be brought to perfection 
being exposed to the Enemy and the Indians in their Intrest 
who they suposed might any Time distroy the masts, 
etc., shuld they be got, before they culd be got under 
the protection of Fort Howe, these with other reasons 
were thought so well grounded that the Commissioner de- 
clared he culd not consider himself justiefyed to risque any 
of the Publick money on so precareious a footing notwith- 
standing the necessaty there was for such stores: your 
memorialist at same Time was furneshd with letters from 
Government to the principle magestrats of the County and to 
the inhabetents of the County in Genral desiring and requiring 
them to give every aid and assistance in their power to your 
memorialist in the execution of his undertaking, which was 
not productive of the lest good effect your memoralist was left 
alon to strugle with every dificulty and danger that might 
attend his undertaking. Except three or four freinds that 
gave him all the aid they could; notwithstanding he corn- 
pleated his first Contract and every other he has since 
undertakn to the satisfaction of Government and has made 
it appear that This Province is capable to furnish any quan- 
tity of masts yards, etc., of good quality that Government can 
possably want in Time coming. It may reasonably be suposed 
that the article of White Pine, masts and yards, etc., for the 
use of Government will be an object of considerable value 
to this Province there has been more drawn from it since the 


year 79 that it was first introduced then all the other articles 
of export put together: In the month of May 83 when the 
Peace was declaird your memoralist hapnd to he at Halifax 
where he immediatly purchased Two vessels and loaded them 
with salt, provisons fishing and other stores as he knew would 
be necessary to comence the restablishment of the settlement 
at mariemeschie where he arived the 1st of June but on his 
arival had the misfortune to find that during the war his 
stores and buildings had been burned down and distroyed his 
netts and fishing craft had shared the same fate so that he 
had to begin everything a new r as if he had never seen the 
place before and also to advance the inhabitents that had been 
obliged to remain during the war to a considerable amount 
in provisons Clothing salt and fishing materials for w r hich he 
neither did nor culd expect to get immediate payment from 
people under such sircumstances as they then were nor culd 
your memoralist expect to clear his outfits that year. In 
the month of November 83 your memoralist lost a Brig of 
100 Tons goeing from Halifax to mariemeschie with salt 
provisions, etc., and also about the same Time a schoner of 
so Tons belonging to him founderd att sea being never heard 
of coming from mariemeschie with a cargo of fish and furs 
the first cost of both vessels and cargos amounted to £2200 
str. and in Oct. 84 he had a schooner of 80 Tons lost with 
part of a cargo amounting to £600 str. of these losses he has 
oniy yet recoverd £1000 str. and uncertain what part If any 
he may recover of the remainder such losses and disapoint- 
ments must naturaly retard any setler notwithstanding 
which it will appear that in the course of Two years from 
June 84 to 80 this setlement at mariemeschie has advanced 
with a rapidaty hardly to be expected at the first mentioned 
Time there w r ere only three Familys that remaind on Your 
memoralists Grant* during the war there are now forty 
Familys that have actualy built houses do reside on their 
lots and have each made improvements some more and some 
less according to their abilatysf beside Your memoralists 

*We have no hint as to the identity of these three families, though we wish that we 
knew them. They deserve a high place among the founders of Miramichi. 

+A very interesting confirmatory account of Davidson's activities is contained in John 
Munro't Report on the River Saint John in 1784, published in the Report on Canadian 
Archives for 1891, p. 31. Munro says; — "Mr. William Davidson of the River St. John's 
has been fishing this season upon the Mirramichi River in Chaleur Bay where he cured 500 
casks of salmon, had he been supplied with salt and casks he would have cured 500 tierces 
of Bass and other kinds of Fish. He keeps three Schooners fishing for cod in the Bay of 
Chaleur, he goes from the lower end of Maugerville upon the River St. John's to the Bay 


own privet Family which Consists of 30 people in winter and 
a much larger number in sumer the greatest part of them 
arc mecanecks such as ship Carpanders House Carpanders 
Black Smiths Salmon Fishers and laborers these people have 
all Takn lots of land from Your memoralist and will immed- 
iatly go upon their lands when the Time they have ingaged 
to serve is out and that they have erned some thing to suport 
them Till they can draw a subsistance from the cultivation 
of their lands in the Course of a year Your memoralist 
must Introduce another sett of people who will folow the 
same plan so that in a few years the whole Tract of land 
Granted to Your memoralist would be settled or at lest . so 
much of it as would admitt of setlement. Your memoralist 
has likeways made it an invariable rule to introduce as 
many seders as he can. That he thinks will Turn out to 
be industerous and Your memoralist must beg leave to ob- 
serve that he has introduced more inhabetents to mariemes- 
chie than are to be found from the Bay of Vert to the Head 
of the Bay of Chalure upon the Coast which is more than 
300 mils this must reasonably be atrebuted to his Exertsons 
in order to settle his lands and promote the Trade that the 
Country is adapted for indeed his lands w r ould have been 
setled before this Time had not the war prevented it; Your 
memoralist hops that Your Excelency and This Honorable 
Councell will considr his sitauation in a True point of view 
that he has now spent Twenty years of his life in unweared 
indeavours to setle the place that his suferings and losses 
occasond by the War amount to a considerable sum beside 
overturning an Establishd Trade which had been the work 
of many years besid the Expendeture of considerable sums 
of money have been very great not only in the loss of Houses 
Stores nets and other property but above all by the bracking 
up and dispersion of the Setlement on which so much Time 
and Expence had been lavished add to these his private losses 
of several Thousand pounds Str. and the disappointments 
consequent thereon yet still your memoralist, undismayed 
has persisted in his Exertions nor are these Exertions feeble 
or languid but under the Encuragment and prospect of Your 
Excelency and His Majestys Councill he may yet establish the 
settlement, people his lands and render the place floureshing 

of Chaleur [i e Miramichi] in 4 days in canoes. He has engaged 50 Families of the 
Refugees to settle on the River Marrimichee and Restiguish next summer." The fifty 
families of Refugees here mentioned are no doubt the round number for the forty, or 
nearly, of which Davidson speaks. This would imply that most of the settlers on his tract. 
who-'- names are given in the list earlier on page 314-5 were Loyalists. 


and prosperous. Your memoraralist Flatters himself he may 
reasonably Expect any indulgence that canot be materialy 
hurtfull to the Communaty at large to which end, Your 
memoralist further begs leave to point out some of his Exer- 
sons for 18 months past in September 84 he purchased a 
Ship at Halifax for £1000. on board of which ship he shipd 
sundry stores and some Familys then immediatly arived 
from North Britain to settle at mariemeschie which ship 
on her arival there was loaded with Salmon and Cod 
fish for Leghorn the cargo beeing of Good quality came to 
a Tolerable good market and the greatest part of the proceeds 
were remitted in Bills of Exchange to London This ship 
brought out a Cargo of salt for mariemeschie but by unfore- 
seen axiedents did not arive till the season of the fishing was 
over which was a verey considerable loss not only to your 
memoralist but to the Settlement in Genrall as salt culd 
not be procured on any Terms for which reason the fisharie 
of last year was much hurt and the settlement thereby 
greatly impeded this ship after geting a thoro repair was 
loaded with fish and lumber for Jamica Your memoralist 
also built a vesell of 50 Tons last year for the cod fisharie 
and has Two more now on the stocks one of them att mar- 
iemeschie of 100 Tons and the other att carequet of 40 Tons 
both designd for the cod fisharie Your memoralist also built 
a large duble saw mill att mariemeschie last sumer Calculated 
for cuting planks for the use of Government, having some 
incuragement to hope that such planks as he may furnesh 
will be received, which mill cost no less than £1000 Your 
memoralist hops that from the facts here stated it will apere 
to Your Excelency and this Honorable Council That every 
Exertson has been used by Your memoralist to comply with 
the conditions of his Grant and that he merets Your Indul- 
gance to compleat a work he has so fairly begun and made 
so large advances in but shuld that not be granted and that 
a Process of Eschate is orderd to be carried on Your memor- 
alist has hereunto anexd the proposals or Termes he hops 
will be Granted him in place of holding the Grant as it 
now stands which he flaters himself will be approved of and 
Confirmed Your memoralist has also here unto anexd an estemate 
of the present propertie and improvements on the spot and 
the losses that have been sustaind by him in endeavouring 
to settle the lands and promote the Fisharies, Your memoral- 
ist further begs leave to observe that every year the Fisharie 
has been carried on from the produce of it there has been 
yearly from one to three Thousand pounds sterling remitted 



to London in forign Bills of Exchange for which Britesh 
manefacterd goods have been Takn in Exchange. 

Your rhemoralist hops that your Excelency and the 
Honorable Council will Take his memorial into your serious Con- 
sideration and Grant that he may be alowd tolnjoay his Grant 
on the footing it presently stands or comply with the other 
proposals has now made and Your memo^alist as in deuty 
bound shall ever pray etc., etc., 

City St. John 

4th aprile 1786 


William Davidson's proposals in considera- 
tion that he will give up his Grant of 

1st. That he shall have the Right of the 

salmon and other Fisharies confirmed to him 

Included in by a new Grant to be occopied and Injoyed 

the 2d. in the same maner as he has Injoyed it for 

Article* 20 years last past and that he may improve 

the same as he may think most for his 


2nd. That Two miles on each side of the 

River that is one mile above and one mile 

Granted. below the place where his House is extending 

back Two miles or to the Back line of his 

present Grant be Granted to him. 

3rd. That forty familys or settlers, who 

have at present built upon the lands he has 

May have conveyd to them beeing 80 rods front for 

200 acres each each lot or Family and runing three miles 

of SO Rods front. Back from the River or to the Back limets of 

his Grant agreable to theTermes he has settled 

with these settlers be granted to him. 

4th. That 40 lots more of equal size be 

All those of them Granted to him for the people of his own 

who are ready present Family and others that he has ingaged 

to settle will be to convey lots to providing they build upon 

( onsid'd as the lands and make improvements before 

applicants. next fall. 

♦All of the marginal notes are written in another hand, evidently that of the clerk of the 
Council, at Fredericton. 



( '.ranted. 

Cannot be 
Complied with. 

Cannot be 
Complied with 

Cannot be 
Complied with. 

A Mill privilege 
of 500 acres 

will be granted 
him on each 

side of the stream 

Cannot be 
Complied with. 

[In the other h 

5th. That 2 lots of 80 rods front each be 
Granted to him att a place cald the shipyard 
which he ocopied and improved before the war. 

6th. That 2000 acars of land be Granted 
to him from the point cald Bobars point riming 
upwards bordering on the southwest and nore- 
west rivers. 

7. That the strame caled Barnabes River 
with a mile below and a mile above said 
strame to run to the Back lines of his present 
Grant be Granted to him. 

8. That Straberey point beeing a mile 
and a half front to run back to the Back lins 
of the present Grant, and also the Isiland 
below the Point cald Bobears Isiland be 
granted to him improvements was begun for 
a farm on Strawberey point before the w r ar 
and is intended to be carried on immediatly. 
Also the Isiland is began to be cleard for a 
sheep pasture. 

9. That the Mill Strame on wdiich he 
has presently built his saw mill with one mile 
above and one mile below said strame on both 
sids of the main River be Granted to him and to 
run back to the back lins of the present Grant. 

10. That all the lands lying within his 
Grant above Angus Gilleses Settlement in the 
big norewest and little norew r est be granted 
to him a considerable part of the same 
having been improvd as flay meadows for 
many years past. 

By this proposal the Greatest part of the 
lands in the present Grant is givn up and 
what is here askd w r ill be settled from Wm. 
Davidsons own Family in the Course of Two 
or three years, 

The Original Grant having been made in 
the proportion of two thirds to Wm. Davidson 
and one third to John Cort. The Grant 
proposed must be made in the same proportion 
to Mr. Davidson and the Heirs to Mr. Cort. 
Excepting the allotment of the Saw Mill. 

Endorsed April 4th, 17SG. 



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The various localities mentioned in the latter part of this 
Memorial, are all shown very clearly on the accompanying 
map, which is reduced to one-half the size of the original 
as contained with the Memorial. Their identity is obvious. 

Enclosed with this memorial is the following document, 
which is mentioned in the text on page 323. 

An Estimate of William Davidsons Propertie advanced 
by him since the 1st June 1783 with a view to reestablish 
the settlement of his lands at mariemeschie and the improve- 
ments made by him and the settlers on his Grant likeways 
the losses sustained by the war and in consequence of the war. 

Xovm. 83 — A schoner foundered at Sea goeing 

to Halifax with a cargo of fish and furs from cun-ancy. 

maremeschie first Coast Insurance not yet 

recovrd £1,250 

Octor 84. — A Schoner lost with part of a 

cargo Insurance not yet recoverd 600 

A Ship suposed to be now on her passage 

from Jamica 2,200 

3 New Schoners built Two of which are on the 
stocks that will be lanshd and fitt for sea 
May next 

1 Small Schoner purchasd at Halifax 

6,000 Bushels of salt now on hand att marie- 
meschie at 2-6 pr 

A large duble saw mill built last sumer cost 

Sundry debets due by the Inhabetents for 

Oxen and Cows 

New Buildings and some old repaired cost 

Xeets and Salmon fishing utensels 

Couperage and Coupers stores 

Blacksmiths forge and Iron 

Ship carpanders and Joiners Tewls 

Labouring utensels 

Household furnature 

Expense of furneshing logs for a saw Mill and 

sawing the boards 400 

Servants . wages and victwals and family 

Expenses for the winter 530 














[Carried forward £10,905 0] 


[Brought forward ..... £10,905 0] 

Buildings improvements and 

Stock in the Settlement by 

the settlers, John Stuart 

Angus Gilles and William 

Martin an avarage £400 

each 1,200 

John Wilson 300 

William Davidsons improve- 
ments on land 250 
36 Settlers improvements stock 

and buildings an average 

I' 100 each 3,600 

— 5,350 

Losses sustained before the ware by Win. David- 

son and in consequence of the war: 
Nov. — 75. 1 schoner lost with 

dry goods and orovisons at 

Trackidy £300 

1 New vessell of 160 Tons hir 

cago lost on the Island of 

St. Johns cost 1,060 

600 Tons of Lumber 300 

debets due him Turnd out 

insolvent 350 

Buildings burned down and 

Dislroayed 300 

Neets and Salmon fishing craft 

wasted and distroyed 250 



beside the loss of beeing drove from his settlement and Trade 
for 6 years and the dispersion and final braking up of the 
settlement is dificult to complute but it may be suposd 
greater than all the other losses, and the losses and suferings 
of the inhabetents in Genral verey considerable. 

The fate of the foregoing Memorial is sufficiently shown 
by the notes which accompany its proposals (page 324). 
It was evidently upon the receipt of the official notice thereof 
that Davidson wrote the following. 


May it please Your Excelency and the Honorable Council 

I have deviate from the form of memorial in this observ- 
ations I shall make on the answer to my memorial in regerd 
to my grant of mariemeschie. 

In the first place I find myself Exceedingly emberassd 
by having the Heirs of Mr. Cort brought in for a third 
concern and att same Time it can by no means serve them as 
they canot inheret any Propertie of their Father without 
subjecting them to the payment of his debets which to my 
certain knowledge is Ten tims the value of what this would 
be to them. In the next place they are all gon diferent 
ways in pursute of diferent objects one to Canada one to 
the West Indias and one to sea. This mater is an object 
of speculation it may Turn out to advantage or prejadise 
as its suported or conducted and admitting there shuld be 
no fault in either yet that of bad seasons and bad markets 
will dissapoint all the most promising prospect. I have 
severly felt the effects of beeing clogd and fetterd by the 
former conection, which has been verey hurtfull to the settle- 
ment in Genral. it dos not appear that Mr. Cort or his 
Heirs has been the means of bringing a single settler on the 
Grant, or that any of them is due him a single shelling, but 
by the demanding and insisting on unreasonable conditions 
to be performd by the settlers many of them left the place, 
shuld the Heirs of Mr. Cort be considerd to hold a third 
of what I have askd in that case I must be making improve- 
ments for them or more properly for a number of his creditors 
and all att my own risque. If I can with much labour and 
Coast make the subject Turn out to be of some value to 
me or my Family I may depend that a demand will be made 
on me or my sucessors for this third share. If Im unfortunate 
and loss my Propertie in the prosecution of the undertaking 
I cannot call on them for any part of such loss. It might 
be opn to law suts which might be a verey unprofitable 
legasey to leave my Family. I do not consider this as a 
reservation of any part of the old Grant so far as a new is 
to be given in that case there is ample feild to consider the 
Heirs or criditors of Mr. Cort as far as their Exertions may 
appear to intitle them which may have the same object of 
advantage with that I ask. In regerd to the Familys I have 
already settled and given them such advances of provisons 
catle cloths etc., as has enabld them hithertoo to settle. I 
canot give them proper Titles to their possions. If the 
Heirs of Mr. Cort shuld come in for a third the people in 


thai respect stands upon a verey uncertain footing in regerd 
to their improvements and I with respect to the money I 
have advanced them had Mr. Cort lived a partition of the 
(".rant wuld have Takn place befor this Time which would 
have put an end to these deficultys. The demand of 2000 
acares of land on Bobares point is for buildig a Town upon. 
part of it has been cleard long since there are at present 
several buildings upon it and I have conveyd a number of 
Town lots to people that propose to settle in it in this Tract 
a Town Comon is also meant to be included. The demand 
for straberey point is to Turn it into a Farm which was 
begun before the war but discontinewded on account of the 
war — The demand of so large a Tract joind to the saw mill 
strame was on account of the Timber for sawing at same 
Time that the lands would be settled. 

I must further beg leave to observe that Mr. Cort nor 
his Heirs has never laid out a farthing on the buildings or 
improvements on the land proposed to be Granted and that 
If Your Excelency and the Honorable Councel Thinks proper 
to Grant his Heirs a fisharie there is a station on the nore- 
west Branch that would be more benefical for them then to 
hold a third of that in the South west branch It requirs 
a thoro knowledge in the busieness as well as a considerable 
Capetie to establish a Fisharie after all Its the most precare- 
ious Trade of any. 

Wm. Davidson. 
Endorsed on back — 

Mr. Davidson observations on the answer to His Memo'l 
Read 16 April 86 

On June 7, 1786, as shown by records in the Crown Land 
Office at Fredericton, a grant was issued to Davidson of 14,- 
540 acres, covering the lands allowed him by the Council, 
while a supplementary grant was issued on August 17, 1787. 
These grants are shown upon a map made by Israel Perley, 
and preserved at Fredericton (Northumberland Returns, Vol. 
I, No. 1). On this map the lots are all laid down from 
survey in a manner that follows closely the indications given 
on Davidson's map contained in this paper. In these grants 
John Cort's name does not appear, showing that Davidson's 
representations to the Council on this point were considered 
valid. Nor does any grant to Cort, aside from his share in 


the original township, appear in the New Brunswick records 
so far as I can find. Cort resided on a lot at Bobear's 
(Beaubear's), now Wilson's Point; and, as a document 
among the Land Memorials shows, this lot was applied for, in 
1790, by William Forsyth, merchant of Saint John. Forsyth 
recites that he had, in 1785, furnished supplies to Cort's son 
for the fishery, which was a failure. Being thus unable to 
pay his indebtedness, the younger Cort had given Forsyth 
a mortage on his father's lands, which mortgage had now 
become worthless through escheat of those lands; and Forsyth 
asked for a grant of the lot as a compensation for the loss 
of his security, his request being apparently granted. 

William Davidson settled upon his lands, and took a 
prominent part in the affairs of the rapidly developing district 
of Miramichi. But he died in 1790, at the early age of 50. 
He was buried in the old burial ground at Wilsons Point 
(his Boabers Point) where his tomb bears this inscription. — 

Sacred to the memory of 

William Davidson, Esq., 

Representative for the County of 

Northumberland, Province of 

New Brunswick, Judge of 

the Court of Common Pleas and 

Contractor for Masts for His 

Majesty's Navy. He died on the 17th 

of June, 1790, aged 50. He was [one] 

of the first Settlers on this River 

and greatly instrumental in promoting 

the Settlement. He has left a 

widow and five children to deplore his loss. 

Memento Mori 

With the other papers is a memorial* of his widow, Sarah 
Davidson, dated 25th September, 1792, stating that by the 
death of her husband, she is left with four infant children in 
very indigent circumstances, his estates being all mortgaged 
with no hopes of redemption. She asks for a grant of a small 
sandy island below Bedoins Island, evidently the little islet 
now called Egg Island, with a sandy point opposite, known to 

*This memorial is in the handwriting of Elias Hardy who was Wm. Davidsons Colleague 
as a representative of the County of Northumberland in the first provincial assembly, 
— W. O. R. 


be situated just west of Gardners Point. Her petition was 
complied with, though the grant was not made until 1802., 
With this Memorial is a letter from Elias Hardy, dated at 
St. John, September 19, 1792, stating that Mr. Davidson's 
estate had such incumbrances as to give no hope of extricating 
it. and endorsing Mrs. Davidson's application, with the 
comment that to Mr. Davidson, "the province is indebted 
for the introduction of the masting business, shipbuilding, 
and the curing of salmon for exportation." 

Davidson's descendants have ever since occupied prominent 
positions at Miramichi. One of his sons became a Judge, and 
a grandson was the late Allen A. Davidson, a leading lawyer 
of Newcastle, whose sons are now prominent in Northumber- 
land County. To Allan Davidson, we owe some further 
highly valued information, concerning his grandfather, contained 
in the following letter, for a copy of which I am again 
indebted to the kind aid of Dr. Raymond. 

Letter of Allan A. Davidson, to A. A. Stockton. 

Newcastle, 10th November, 1875. 
Dear Sir. — 

My Grandfather, the late William Davidson, came from 
the north of Scotland. The family owned property in the 
town of Inverness, but I am not sure whether he was a native 
of the Town. He certainly was of the Shire. His brother 
was an officer in the East Indian army and afterwards, and 
until his death, factor of the Duke of Gordon 

Win. Davidson married Sarah Nevers of Maugerville. 
He was the first British settler on the Miramichi. He 
brought the men and oxen necessary for carrying on the mast- 
ing business from the old colonies (Vermont and New Hamp- 
shire principally.) He also engaged largely in the Salmon 
Fishery, for the prosecution of which he brought out a num- 
ber of families from his native Shire, principally from the 
shores of Murray Frith, some of them his own relations, and 
settled them on lands drawn for this purpose on the lower 
parts of the River, where their descendants are to be found 
to this day — Gordons, Davidson, Innes, Murdoch, Stuarts, 
etc., etc. He himself, resided on the northwest branch of the 
Miramichi, about eight miles above the place where he built 


the first saw-mill. He afterwards removed to Elm tree, on 
the southwest, a short distance below Indiantown, where he 
built the first vessel, called the "Miramichi. " 

He at first obtained a grant of a very large tract of country 
from the Government of Nova Scotia, but not being able to 
settle so large an extent of country according to the conditions 
of the grant, it was escheated and he was allowed to retain 
for his own use of the Miramichi portion, five tracts and 
forty-one farm lots, contain 14,540 acres, selected by himself 
on the north and south branches between Newcastle and 
seventeen miles up each branch, a grant of which was made to 
him, dated 7th June, 17S6. This was of course in addition 
to the grants taken out in the names of the persons he had 
settled on lots in different parts of the County. 

He died on the 17th June, 1790, from the effects of cold 
and exposure. The previous winter he and the late James 
Davidson of Oak 'Point (father of the late Hon'ble Jas. 
Davidson) were travelling on foot in the lower parts of the 
county in the month of February. When they were coming 
round the Granddown Marsh a heavy thaw and rain set in. 
Night coming on they, for want of a better shelter, got 
into one of the stacks of hay, where they passed the night; 
but the weather changed in the night and heavy frost set in. 
My Grandfather contracted a cold from which he never 
recovered, but died on the 17th June following, and was in- 
terred in the old burying ground at Beaubear's Point, a short 
distance below the crossing of the Intercolonial Railway, 
where his grave may be seen 

He must have been a man of great enterprise and ability, 
to have created the large and varied business he was engaged 
in at the time of his death, and had he not been cut off as he 
was, just as he had made his arrangements and gotten his 
preparations completed for prosecuting it in a more extensive 
and lucrative manner, he would have done much more for 
the settlement of this part of the province and the develop- 
ment of its resources, although the amount he did was very 
great when we consider the difficulties he had to encounter. 

After his death, part of the business he had established 
fell into the hands of, and was conducted by, the late Honor- 
able James Fraser and James Thorn, who continued it for 
many years at Beaubear's Island under the style of Fraser & 
Thorn, and after their death by their successors, John Fraser 
(father of the present Provincial Secretary), Alexander Fraser 
and James D. Fraser (sons of James Fraser) up to about the 
year 1829. But in the meantime the masting contracts had 


expired; other merchants had come in and all prosecuted the 
square timber business extensively, which, became the chief 
business of the country, until the forests were denuded of 
their valuable pine, and deals took the place of timber. * 
Yours truly, 

Allan A. Davidson. 

With respect to the descendants of William Davidson, some 
slight historical confusion is likely to arise from the fact that 
another family of the same name has also been prominent 
nearly as long in the affairs of Miramichi. These are the 
descendants of the James Davidson mentioned in the fore- 
going letter. He, also, was a Scotchman, though no relation 
of William. He was a land surveyor, and settled at Oak 

It happens that the letter in which the report of the jury 
on Davidson's lands was transmitted to Fredericton has also 
been preserved, and as it contains many interesting observa- 
tions upon the Miramichi of that day, it is here given in 
full. Its writer, Benjamin Marston, was at this time Sheriff of 
Miramichi, but his remarks are to be read in light of the fact 
that he was a person of unusual positiveness of opinion and 
statement. A fuller account of him, with many extracts 
from his interesting diary, is given by Dr. Raymond in the 
second volume of these Collections (pp. 95 seq). In the 
case of this document, I have not had the opportunity to 
compare copy and original, but no doubt it is substantially 

Miramichi Point, 

August 4th, 1785. 

Sir; — 

Presuming that His Excellency would be well pleased 
to receive every information respecting the state of this 
county, I tho't it my duty to send such as I have been 
able to obtain since my arrival here. I have likewise ventur- 
er] to mention (with submission) some matters which, were 
they to take place, would in my opinion tend to promote the 
public Good. These with the incidental matters contained 
in this letter I beg the favour of your communicating to his 
Ex< ellency. 


The people in general are well pleased with the prospect 
of having Rule and Order established among them by the 
proper authority — Some very few of the oldest and first 
settlers excepted — who looking upon the whole country as 
their own property — and the Government of it in their own 
way as their right — have used it accordingly. To these 
every reformation appears a disturbance of their ancient 
rights and privileges, and forseeing That the ruling by the 
strongest arm must soon give way to more legal authority, 
pretend to think that the country will then be no longer 
worth living in. 

The judicial authority delegated here is insufficient for 
the wants of the country — ■ few demands but what amount to 
40 . I having no Goal 'tis impossible to hold any one to 
special Bail or to commence any criminal process or oblige 
any one to give security to keep the Peace. This makes a 
military post here necessary whose Guard House would 
answer that purpose until a more proper provision would be 
made, and another good end would be answered by it, that 
is when the people once saw a power in the hand of the legal 
authority ready and able to enforce obedience to the laws the 
Spirit of Refractoriness and Contumacy would of course 
subside and decency and good order would succeed. 

The Salmon Fishery on this river is an object of great 
importance and worthy the attention of Government. 2000 
tierces have been taken in one season as I am informed, be- 
sides shad and herrings. This year they compute (only from 
800 to 1000 tierces. Fisheries are uncertain in their annual 
produce, but the great falling off from what used to be caught 
in this river when Davidson and Cort first got their grant 
must be imputed to the destructive mode of catching the 
fish which is by sett Nets principally. These are so far 
extended into the river from each shore as in some places to 
interlock with each and are sett along the banks of the river 
from the lowest settlement to the upper line of Davidson and 
Cort's Grant at every proper place to stop the fish. At that 
line they do worse. There they have a cross net extending 
quite from one side of the river to the other.* The set nets 
from their extravagant length must undoubtedly in the 
narrow parts of the river turn many shoals of the fish back. 
But the cross netts, while they are sett, absolutely stop the 
whole body of them from getting up to their spawning places 

*Compare Benjamin Marston's letter to Edward Winslow of 17th July, 1785. See 
Collections Historical Society Vol. II. p. 98. W. O. R. 


and must eventually much lessen, if not destroy the breed. 
Nor is it in the catching only that regulations are wanted but 
also in the curing and packing in which there are those who 
are disposed to commit frauds whenever they can. But a 
Court of Quarter Sessions whenever one is established in the 
county will have competent authority for this business. For 
this season the business is over. However the fishery itself 
is an object of too great importance to be neglected. It 
deserves to have every attention given to it as under good 
regulations it would become a source of wealth to the Prov- 
ince. I forgot to mention another principal evil consequent 
on the setting the cross nets which is, the depriving all above 
of an equal chance in fishing. This injury falls chiefly upon 
the Indians whose fishing places are above the Grant of D. & 
C, in both branches. 

The two Indian chiefs, John and Francis Julian* have been 
with me about some Lands in this quarter to which they 
claim an exclusive right. They have a grant or rather a 
license of occupation on behalf of their Tribe for 20,000 acres 
given them by Governor Parr in 1783. It begins up the N. 
West Branch at a point mentioned in the License, extends one 
mile from each side the river into the woods and runs twenty 
miles in length with the river upwards. A great part of this 
land is in Davidson and Cort's grant. The Indian Chiefs 
supposing they have a right to do so, demand pay of D. and C 
tenants for hay which they cut from some meadows clearly 
within their line and which are also within the Indian License. 

I have told the Chiefs that these meadows were given away 
a great while ago by the Governor of Halifax to D. and Cort, 
but this to a Savage is a very strange thing. That one 
Governor of Halifax should give away land which another 
Governor before him had already given away to another man. 
But a little acquaintance with Governor Parr would have 
informed him that His Excellency often did so by land which 
he had himself already given away to another. Finally I 
acquainted them that probably the King would take back D. 
and Cort's land for their not having done the work upon it 
which they promised to do and probably His Excellency 
Governor Carleton would confirm all their grant to them which 
was unoccupied by D. and Cort's tenants with this expectation. 
They seem satisfied. But as there are some valuable meadows 
within that part of their License which falls within D. and 

♦There is an interesting reference to the Julian family in a letter written by Alexander 
Taylor of Miramichi to Edward Winslow, dated January 28, 1802. — See "Winslow Papers," 
p. 163. 


Cort's Line and which are not located to any one, I think they 
ought to be reserved tor the English. The Indians can never 
want them and to have them reserved by some stipulation will 
prevent much contention and ill humor. 

The Indian Chief tells me they want the hay for they do 
not- receive any blankets, jackets etc., from Halifax as usual, 
but are told there that they must make the English pay for 
their hay, wood, etc., which they cut from the Indian Lands. 
How true, I do not pretend to know. 

I have returned the writ of Inquiry on D. and Cort's 
Grant executed and as I imagine that the Grantees will not 
be able to say why their grant should not be revoked, I beg 
leave to offer a few observations with regard to some part- 
icular situations which I think should be reserved for public 
and more general uses, if an escheat should follow. Being 
well satisfied that the settlement of this river will go on fast 
now that people have a prospect of being protected by the 
power of Government from Foreign Invaders, and by the Laws 
from private wrongs and injuries, I would premise that it was 
in D. and Cort's original plan to leave Beaubere's Point, which 
is formed by the conflux of the S. West and N. West Branches 
of the Miramichi, a place for a town, and the few grants they 
have made upon it are only of House Lots of a moderate size 
of which there are only four. In fact there was formerly on 
this very Point a considerable French Village the ruins of 
which are yet remaining It was deserted about the end of 
the last French War.* 

I would (with submission) propose that this Point be 
reserved for an extent of two miles to be measured from its 
extremity up thro' the middle of the Tongue of land formed 
by the two branches of the river, there to be bounded by a 
line at right angles with the former and running quite across 
from one branch to the other. This to be granted in con- 
venient sized House Lots, — store and wharf lots — to such 
persons as would make immediate use and improvements 
upon them — a road to be left of a convenient width along 
the river and likewise from the river upwards between every 
four house lots. Here is the properest place for a Court 
House — Church and a Barrack — if a military post should be 
established in the county, and will be the place where people 
in business will naturally fix themselves if they can get 
convenient locations, it being a central situation, handy to 

*This, of course is the village or settlement which figures in a preceding document, 
at page 303 of this volume. 


the two great branches of the river and up to this there is 
sufficient depth of water to bring up ships of 250 tons, and 
is besides a good soil and a pleasant place to build upon. 

This point with Beaubare's Island which lies just below 
it and is divided from it by only a narrow channel and which 
I would likewise propose to be reserved, will contain in the 
whole about 1,000 acres — out of which might be assigned a 
c'.lebe for the Parson — Lands for the use of a school and 
for the Military who might be posted here. The residue 
might be left as a Common for the inhabitants in general or 
some part of it might be laid out in small lots of 3, 4 or 5 
acres or more as might be tho't convenient. There is 
plenty of a good kind of free stone upon this Point, very easy 
to be come at and so in many other places upon the sides 
of the river. 

If an escheat should take place and any plan of this kind 
should be carried into execution I would pray his Excellency's 
permission to take a store, wharffe and House lot next above 
Jno. Wilson's Esq., to be about 130 or 140 feet wide and the 
house lot of a sufficient depth for a good garden. 

Besides the verdict of the Jury I have enclosed the minutes 
they made when taking the view of the lands, which I have 
done for the more particular information of the Court as I 
do not know but it might serve the Grantees if it should be 
necessary for them to produce any proof of what actual 
improvements had been made by either themselves or their 

I have transmitted the Bill of costs which if erroneous must 
be corrected. Six days may be tho't long to take a view, 
but it must be considered that the Jury travelled at least 50 
miles — besides the way to and from their houses some of 
which were 12 miles distant. 

The Richibucto business shall be finished as soon as some 
people return from thence of whom to compose a jury.* I 
can do no otherways, not having the means of carrying a 
jury from here to a place near 30 leagues off by sea and near 
as far by land and that thro' an untrod wilderness. There 
are no inhabitants there but savages, so that a jury cannot 
be had upon the spot, and altho this is a fact not to be 
doubted, yet I cannot find a sufficient number of people 
on this river who know it of their own knowledge to compose 
an inquest and to give a verdict on oath. 

*This must refer to an intended Inquisition, with a view to escheat, of 5,400 acres 
granted in 1777 to Captain Mariot Arbuthnut, R, N. and two others on the South side 
o f R chibucto River. Apparently no attempt whatever was made to settle this grant. 


The coast in your Gulf I am informed has been much 
infested this season with smugglers from the States, with 
West India Produce. Sir Charles Douglas drove some of 
them away when he passed thro' the Gulf but they returned 
again as soon as he was gone. A small vessel fixed in the 
common way with a crew in force and a seizing Officer is 
the only mode of hunting these vermin from their seas. 

The people on this river are very desirous of having a 
clergyman sent among them. One is certainly wanted if 
it were only to legally marry them, for as marriages are now 
solemnized there will need be some future act of Parliament 
to legitimate the rising generation. But a Clergyman of 
good sense and a good man would be a public blessing by his 
instructions among such an ignorant illiterate sett as the 
bulk of the people here are. The meer attendance upon 
public worship if but now and then would have some tendency 
to civilize and make them less licentious. If the society for 
propogating the Gospel were to send a missionary hither 
they never would perhaps better bestow their charity, for 
besides the good which an exemplary man might do in reform- 
ing the licentiousness of the people, he might, if sent in time, 
prevent swadlers and sectaries getting any footing among 
them which would be to prevent an evil which it is not 
easy to cure. 

Since I have began this letter one of the Indian 
Chiefs has been with me again and prays me to inform his 
Excellency that he hopes if D. & Cort's grant should be 
revoked that he will be pleased to confirm to half that part 
of Governor Parr's License to them which falls within D. & 
Cort's line excepting where any improvements have been 
made by their Grantees. 

Cort died two or three years ago, has left four children, 
three sons and one daughter who are in the country. He 
has no widow. The person who lived with him at the time 
of his death was not married to him, as the report is here. 

I do not now recollect any other matters worthy of notice. 

I have the honour to be, 

Your most obedient, 

humble servant, 

Ben. Marston. 
Jonathan Odell Esq., Secretary of the Province. 


All of the documents printed thus far in the present 
number of this series relate to Davidson and Cort's lands above 
Beaubears Island. To complete our account of the origin 
of the Miramichi settlements, we should trace the important 
part of the River below Beaubears Island, down to the Bay. 
For this purpose some other documents in the Land Memorials 
earlier mentioned (page 308), are important, but, for the 
present, it must suffice to offer the accompanying map, the 
importance of which is sufficiently obvious. The original is 
preserved in the Crown Land Office at Fredericton, (North- 
umberland Returns, Vol. I, 12). My copy though exact as to 
the information, is not a fac-simile, for to permit of reproduc- 
tion in a manageable form, it had to be re-drawn with the 
names, etc., enlarged, the copy being one half the size of 
the original. It was made in April, 1785, by a skilled 
surveyor, Daniel Micheau, and contains, in addition to the 
usual surveyor's return, a series of very valuable notes written 
around the margin, and these notes are reproduced in the 
following pages. The settlements of the lower Miramichi 
were then forming and the information about the derivation 
of the settlers is most welcome. It will be noticed that 
while some of them were Loyalists, many were "old settlers," 
who are known to have come from Scotland or England. 
Interesting material in connection with some of the leaders 
is given by Dr. Raymond in his article in Vol. II of these 
Collections, pp. 93 seq., and also by Dr. Baxter in Proceedings 
of the Miramichi Natural History Association, No. VI, 35 seq. 
The history of a part of these settlers is supposed to be 
given very fully in manuscript left by the late Squire William 
Innes of Bartibog, of which papers, however, the present 
whereabouts are not known to me. 

As to the names of the settlers mentioned in the following 
lists, they will mostly be recognized as familiar on the 
Miramichi to-day. Through the kind aid of my friend, 
Dr. Robert Nicholson, of Newcastle, I have gathered many 
notes upon the descendants of these settlers, but they are 
not complete, and I realize that the subject can be treated 

Surveyed hy Daniel Jficfiea^ 

'Ihis cofjj <nu- fi.cctf site of- originhl 
J mile to / iKck 

I Jficficau 

site of onjir^ 
1e to 1 inch 



better by someone more familiar with the families of the 
Miramichi than I can be. 

It will be noticed that many names, mostly enclosed 
within brackets, occur on the map though not mentioned in 
the following notes. These are all written in a different 
hand, and represent, without doubt, later arrivals whose 
grants were made subsequent to the time of the survey. 

Remarks on the North Side of the River. 

Lot No. 2 — Formerly Possess 'd by a Mr. Dunn Now in 
Possession of Henry McColm. Lately from Cumberland. 

No. 3. — Improv'd and now Possess 'd by Alex. Wishert. 

No. 4. — A House put up and Newly finished by William 
Leddon, Refugee from Quebec. 

No. 10. — A small House put up and Some other Improve- 
ments made by Mark Delesdernier. 

No. 12 — Improv'd and now Possess 'd by William Coon 
Refugee from New York. 

No. 15. — A House and Considerable Improvement made 
by William Atkinson, Old Setler. 

No. 18. — Mark'd and some trees fell by Danl. Ross. 

No. 17. — Improv'd and now in Possission of John Deles- 
dernier, Old Setler. 

No. 21. — Improv'd and now in Possession of Fredk. 

No. 22 — A small hutt put up by Simeon Moss, Inhab- 
itant of Cumberland Not on the River at the time of the 

No. 24. — Improv'd and now in Possession of Wm. Drys- 
dal, Old Setler. 

No. 28. — Some Logs Laid up for a House by Daniel 
Monro, Old Inhabitant 

No. 32. — Improv'd and now in Possession of Thomas 
Yeomans, Old Setler. 

No. 33. — Improv'd by Thomas Yeomans and Thomas 
Whinom Sd. Yeomans Relinquishes his claim in favor of 
Whinom Refugee. 

No. 34. — Now in Possession of Alex. Henderson by 
Purchase from William More, Sd. Henderson, Old Setler. 

No. 35. — Claimed by Alex. Henderson no Improvement. 

No. 36. — A small House and some other Improvements 
by the Sd. Alex. Henderson. 

No. 37. — Mark'd for Capt. Shank. 


No. 3S. — Small House put up by Sd. Alex. Henderson. 

No. 39. — Some Logs Laid up for a House also claimed 
by Alex. Henderson. 

No. 42. — Logs Laid up for a House by Ecubed Beckwith, 
Sergt. Late of Arnolds Legion. 

No. 46. — Logs Laid up for a House and other small 
Improvements made by Marton Lyons, Old Setler. 

Note Sd. Improvements chiefly made since the commence- 
ment of the Survey.* 

No. 49. — Small House and Improvement by John Simson, 
he wishes to Relinquish Sd. Lot and take Lot 48. Sd. Simson 
Lately emigrated from Scotland (granted). 

No. 50. — House and considerable Improvement made by 
Marton Lyons which he gives up to Robert Connor and 
claims Lot 46 (granted) 

No. 53. — Improved by Thomas Davis Refugee from N. 

No. 54. — Improved by Robert beck, now in Possession 
of John Henderson, by purchase Old Setler. 

No. 57. — Some Improvements made by Robert Forsyth, 
Refugee from New York, he Relinquishes his Improvements, 
and claims Lot 58 (granted). 

No. 59. — Mark'd by James Roy, late emigrant from 

No. 61. — Logs Laid up for a House by William Mills, 
Late Emigrant from Scotland. 

No. 63. — Improv'd by Alex. Taylor ^Lately from Scotland. 

No. 64. — Someltimber fell and claimed by Alex. Taylor in 
behalf of John Taylor, not present at the survey. 

No. 62. — Mark'd by James Ennis, Lately from Europe. 

No. 65. — Improv'd by James English, Lately from Europe. 

No. 68.— Improv'd by John English, Lately from Europe. 

No. 69.— Improv'd by John Henderson, Old Setler, 

No. 71. — Some Logs Laid up for a House by Thomas 
Loban,JCorprl 82|Regt. 

Remarks on the South Side of the River. 

Lot No. 1. — Considerable Improvement made by John 
Murdoch, Old setler. 

No. 8. — Considerable Improvement made by a Widow 
Blake, Old Setler. t 

♦Crossed out just here is the sentence "Sd. No. 46 Mark'd in the Secretarys office fo 
Robert Read.' 

tWidow Blake had a romantic history, and became the principal founder of Tabusintac, asr 
related fully in Acadiensis, VII, 1907, 324. 


No. 17. — Logs Laid up for a House by Danl. Menton 
(Private), Prince Wales Regt. 

No. 19. — Small House put up and some other Improve- 
ments by John English who now possesses Lot 68, North 
Side the River (not granted).* 

No. 26. — Mark'd by Grigor McKinnon, Sergt. Carolina 

No. 31. — A House Building by Robert England, Lately 
from Europe. 

No. 33. — A House Building by William Brown, Lately 
from Europe. 

No. 35. — Improv'd by Mr. Henderson who now Possesses 
Lot 34, North Side of the River. 

No. 36. — Little Land clear'd by Sd. Alex. Henderson. 

No. 37. — Improv'd and now In Possession of Donald 

No. 41.— Mark'd by Ellic McDonald, Corpl. Late of Qns. 

No. 42.— Mark'd by Murdoch McCloud, Private Late 
Qns. Rangers. 

No. 44. — Improv'd and now in Possession of John Parsons, 
Old Setler. 

No. 50. — House Building and other Improvements by 
Daniel Dunn, Refugee from New York. 

No. 52. — House and Considerable Improvements made by 
John Tushea and John Fitzgerald both old Setlers Sd. 
Fitzgerald claims Lot 51. 

No. 61. — Improv'd and now in Possession of William 
Brown, Old Setler. 

No. 62. — Improv'd and now in Possession of Thomas 
McColm, formerly an Inhabitant of Cumberland. 

No. 63. — Improv'd and now in Possession of John Mal- 
colm Old Setler. 

♦Papers in possession of Dr. Raymond show that lots 19, 20, 21, with a lot at the 
mouth of Black River desired for the hay it produced, were allotted March 14, 1786, to 
J. M. C Des Les Derniers and Benjamin Marston for the erection of a mill. The mill 
was actually built, as shown by references on pages 104, 106, 108 of Vol. II. of these 
Collections, but Marston had no part in its later management since he left Miramichi in 
October of that year, and never returned. 





Epited by W. O. Raymond, L.L. D., F. R. S. C. 


The report of Messrs. Deane and Kavanagh is now in the 
library of the Maine State Legislature at Augusta. The 
attention of the Historical Society was called to this interest- 
ing and valuable paper by one of its corresponding members, 
Dr. W. F. Ganong of Smith College, Northampton, Massachu- 
setts. The Society is indebted to Senator Patrick Therriault 
of Grand Isle, Aroostook County, Maine, for his generosity 
in supplying an excellent type-written copy of the report. 
The time at the editor's disposal has not been sufficient to 
make a detailed analysis of the report. This may be left 
to some future Madawaska historian. It was at one time 
anticipated that the value of this contribution to our provi- 
cial history would have been enhanced by annotations sup- 
plied by Placide P. Gaudet, the learned Acadian genealogist 
But unfortunately family bereavement and other hindrance 
have prevented Mr. Gaudet from undertaking the task. 

The tour of Messrs. Deane and Kavanagh in the wilds 
of Northern Maine and New Brunswick was made at a time 
when the international boundary dispute was beginning to 
assume an acute phase, which culminated about six years 
later in the so-called ''Aroostook War." 

In 1831 the settlements upon the banks of the River St. 
John in the district of Madawaska were growing rapidly. 
This was chiefly due to the influx of settlers from the Province 
of Quebec. As time went on the solution of the boundary 
problem seemed to depend more on the question of occupation 


and priority of jurisdiction than upon a literal construction 
of the terms of the treaty of 1783. Consequently the author- 
ities of Maine and New Brunswick were equally anxious to 
exercise jurisdiction over the territory in dispute. 

The report of Deane and Kavanagh is of course an ex 
parte document. It was compiled by men who were thorough- 
ly convinced of the justice of the American claim and who 
were anxious to support it with every possible argument. 
Nevertheless, it will be found that only in occasional instances 
are their statements offensive to Canadian ears. Their 
report undoubtedly contains a great deal of reliable and 
valuable information. Perhaps it may be added that the 
majority of Canadians are so thoroughly satisfied that the 
Dominion was robbed of a large territory on the upper St. 
John by the Ashburton treaty that the publication of the 
Deane-Kavanagh report may serve a useful purpose in show- 
ing that our American neighbors were at least equally 
assured of the justice of their claim. 

John G. Deane and Edward Kavanagh, the gentlemen 
selected by the authorities of Maine to report upon the state 
of the Madawaska settlement, were both ardent advocates 
of the American claim throughout the controversy over the 
international boundary. Mr. Deane was a man of influence 
in the State Legislature. He served on important committees 
that were appointed at various times to deal with matters 
arising out of the boundary dispute. He is referred to in 
the following terms in a report of the joint committee of the 
Senate and House of Representatives of Maine, upon the 
North-Eastern boundary, which was presented to the legislature 
on March 30, 1841: 

"The absolute mandate of the Legislature left the Gover- 
nor of Maine no alternative, and, although the path on which 
he was obliged to enter was one beset with difficulty, he was 
equal to what the occasion required. The committee are 
proud to recall that he had the satisfaction of being seconded, 
also, in carrying the undertaking into effect by that constant, 
ardent, and indefatigable advocate of the rights and interests 


of Maine, the late John G. Deane, over wJiose recent and 
untimely grave we are called to pause and to bestow the 
passing tribute due to his honest worth, and his persevering 
and devoted spirit." 

Edward Kavanagh, Mr. Deane's colleague, was also a man 
of consequence in the Legislature. He served on committees 
appointed to deal with the boundary question and was quite 
as ardent as Mr. Deane in his advocacy of the American 
claims. The original manuscript of the report on the state of 
the Madawaska settlement in 1831 is in the handwriting of 
Edward Kavanagh. 

The statement made by Mr. Deane, in his letter which 
follows,* that the Acadians sought a refuge in a place where 
they believed the British had no right to exercise jurisdiction, 
is not warranted in point of fact. Still more unwarrantable 
is the statement of Mr. Kavanagh, in his letter to William 
.P. Prebblet, that the unsophisticated minds of the Acadians 
pointed out to them at once the Highlands intended in the 
treaty of 1783, and that "it followed of course, in their pro- 
cess of reasoning, that the line running due North from the 
St. Croix must necessarily cross the St. John, and they 
retreated to a point more than thirty miles West from the 
spot where the Eastern boundary of the State intersects that 
river, and in that place, near the mouth of the Madawaska, 
they seated themselves with the firm belief that the boundary 
of the United States interposed a barrier, behind which they 
would ever be secure from the tyranny of a power which had 
for so many years oppressed their ancestors and themselves." 

This view is refuted by a recent American writer, 
the Rev. Charles W. Collins, of Portland, Maine, in 
his valuable publication on the "Acadians of Madawaska"! 
Mr. Collins quotes documentary evidence to show that lands 
were assigned the Acadians at Madawaska by the New Bruns- 

*See appendix at the end of Report. 
tSee Appendix B. 

t'The Acadians of Madawaska," by Rev. Charles W. Collins, pp. 61., printed by 
Thomas Whalen & Co., Boston, 1902. 


wick government upon their consenting to remove from the 
lower St. John, where the government did not wish to inter- 
rupt the continuity of the English settlements. Mr. Collins 
observes, "There is no evidence extant to prove that the 
State of Maine knew anything of the Madawaska settlement 
prior to 1817, when certain Kennebec men settled above it on 
the same river." He adds, "Whether the authorities of the 
State of Maine knew of the establishment before 1817 or not, 
there is little doubt that the Acadians knew very little of 
the new republic, and what little they knew would not make 
them anxious to take residence within its borders. Their 
experience with New England men had been unpleasant. 
There was no one to tell them that the United States claimed 
this territory; they simply settled there thinking the land was 
open to settlers, and borrowed no trouble. The whole 
history of the boundary dispute, loaded with argument and 
heated with rhetoric, exhibits no direct evidence of any pre- 
dilection on the part of the Acadians for any particular form 
of government whatever. They were self-governing and 
desired to be let alone. They saw no necessity of holding 
a town meeting and organizing political machinery. Things 
were regulated as they had been in Acadia." 

The statement that the Acadians took refuge on what 
they believed to be United States soil where the British had 
no jurisdiction, is entirely at variance with a vast amount of 
documentary evidence. Only a few years after the founding 
of their settlement, or, to speak more precisely, on July 23, 
1792, the heads of twenty-four families united in a petition, 
to the Bishop of Quebec, desiring leave to build a church. 
They describe themselves as "Les habitans de Madawaska, 
comte York, province du Nouveau Brunswick, sur la riviere 
St. Jean." This does not look as if they considered them- 
selves on United States soil. As regards British jurisdiction, 
it may be mentioned that on March 1, 1820, the Council and 
Assembly of the province of New Brunswick prepared an 
address to the King upon the state of affairs, which then 
existed in the so-called "disputed territory." In speaking of 


the Madawaksa district, they say that the inhabitants of 
this tract of country, so far as it is settled, are, with the 
exception of a few persons, who have lately become settlers, 
French Acadians, and their descendants, the first of whom 
removed thither from the lower parts of the country soon 
after the treaty of 1783, under the full faith that they were 
planting themselves upon British territory. That grants 
of their lands were at the beginning of the settlement made 
to the settlers under the great seal of the province. That 
militia companies were organized at Madawaska by Governor 
Carleton, at so early a period, as the year 1786. That 
magistrates and parish officers have been from time to time 
appointed there under the laws and institutions of the prov- 
vince, and that the provincial courts have always exercised 
jurisdiction there. That the inhabitants vote at elections 
for the county of York, and that all the powers of sovereignty 
and jurisdiction have been exercised by the constituted 
authorities of the province throughout the whole tract of 
country bordering on the Saint John and Madawaska Rivers, 
in the same manner as in any other part of the province, 
without question or disturbance, quite up to the period of the 
Treaty of Ghent, in 1814, and subsequently, until the present 
attempts at interference on the part of the agents of Maine 
and Massachusetts. 

This state of affairs was not satisfactory to the Americans, 
who not unnaturally desired to extend their jurisdiction over 
the disputed territory. A small American settlement had 
been attempted, as early as 1817, above the French settlers 
of Madawaska. Several persons from the Kennebec estab- 
lished themselves there with their families, the lowest settler 
at the mouth of the Mariumpticook (Baker's Brook) and the 
highest near the mouth of the St. Francis. The two oldest 
settlers were Nathan Baker and John Bacon. Later comers 
were John Baker, Walter Powers, Jesse Wheelock, Daniel 
Savage, Randal Harford, John Harford, Augustin Webster, 
Barnabas Hunnewell, Nathaniel Bartlett, and Amos Mattocks. 
This agressive little community, at the instigation of John 


Baker, set the New Brunswick magistrates at defiance in 
August, 1S27, when they hoisted the American flag at the 
mouth of the Mariumpticook stream, asserting that they 
were on American soil, that the British had no jurisdiction 
there, and that they w r ould be protected and supported by 
their own government in their conduct. 

Baker was, in consequence of this, arrested and taken to 
Fredericton for trial. Evidence was produced to show that 
the province of New Brunswick had exercised undisturbed 
jurisdiction over the Madawaska settlement for more than 
forty years; that the French settlers there always considered 
themselves as living under the government of New Brunswick; 
that they h:d received grants of land from that government, 
and had from the beginning been enrolled in the provincial 
militia; that they had voted at elections for the County of 
York, and had employed the civil courts of the province, 
for redress in suits of law, the sheriff serving writs throughout 
the district of Madawaska, and the magistrates being employed 
to recover debts. It was even proved that Baker himself 
had had recourse to a provincial magistrate for the recovery 
of debts and had attended a provincial surveyor in the laying 
out of the lands on which he resided, and that he had 
received the provincial bounty for grain raised on new land. 

Baker having been found guilty of an attempt to subvert 
the King's government, the Attorney General, Robert Parker, 
Esquire, moved that sentence be passed upon him. In the 
course of a very able speech, the Attorney General observed: 
"Whatever consequences may ensue, I feel fully convinced, 
and were it with my last breath I should say so, that it was 
necessary to carry on this prosecution. If this had passed 
without notice, the defendants would have persisted, and have 
urged to the Madaw^aska settlers the timidity or imbecility of 
this Government as an inducement for their putting themselves 
under the protection of a state more able or willing to defend 
them. There was no alternative between bringing this man 
to trial, and yielding up in effect the sovereignty, jurisdiction 
and possession of Madawaska." 


In the evidence given at the trial of John Baker, we find 
some facts of historic interest. Mr. Morehouse says, that 
the Upper Madawaska settlement at that time began about 
nine miles above the mouth of the Madawaska river, and 
extended seven or eight miles upwards. The settlement had 
formerly gone by the name of Chateaugay, but latterly had 
been called St. Emilie. The name Chateaugay had not 
proved universally acceptable to the people and the priest 
changed it to St. Emelie. John Baker in 1820 lived at the 
Bay Chaleur and came a little later to Madawaska, where 
his brother Nathan had established himself. Simon Hebert 
came to Madawaska from French Village, about ten miles 
above Fredericton, and had been settled on his grant of land 
two miles below the Madawaska river forty years. He was 
a captain in the militia. The Madawaska settlers on both 
sides of the St. John were enrolled in the 4th Battalion, York 
County, X. B., militia, and turned out pretty regularly at 
the annual training. One of the first militia officers was 
Captain Pierre Duperre who received a commission between 
1787 and 1790. The French settlers voted at the provincial 
election in 1809 and subsequently. At the time of Baker's 
trial, Peter Siliste was mail carrier from Madawaska to Lake 
Temiscouata, and Joseph Sausfacon was a constable under 
British authority. The evidence of George Morehouse, 
Esquire, concerning the flag raising incident at Baker's 
Brook, is of interest. He says that after his arrival 
at Baker's place a white flag with an American eagle and 
semi-circle of stars was hoisted on a flag-pole. He pointed 
to the flag and asked what it was. Baker responded, "The 
American flag, Mr. Morehouse; did you never see it before? 
If not, you can see it now." Morehouse required him, in 
the King's name, to pull down the flag. Baker replied, "No, 
I will not. We have placed it there, and we are determined 
we will support it, and nothing but a superior force to ourselves 
shall take it down. We are on American territory: Great 
Britain has no jurisdiction here. What we are doing we will 
be supported in. We have a right to be protected and will 


he protected in what we are doing by our Government." 

An attempt to arrest Mr. Baker speedily followed but he 
succeeded in escaping to the woods. Some months afterwards, 
however, he was taken in his bed by a sheriff's posse and 
carried to Fredericton gaol on a charge of treason. His 
demeanor at the trial w r as becoming, although he denied the 
jurisdiction of the court. Evidently he had been inspired 
by patriotic motives and had acted with the approval and 
encouragement, if not at the instigation of such men as John 
G. Deane and Edward Kavanagh. The trial resulted in a 
verdict of guilty and he was sentenced to pay a fine of £25, 
and to undergo a two months' imprisonment. 

The effect of Baker's punishment, although it was not of 
great severity, was to curb for a season the conduct of the 
American colony on the upper St. John. But the visit of 
Deane and Kavanagh, four years later, was followed by 
further trouble. Their object in visiting the Madawaska 
region was not merely to ascertain the number of persons 
settled there and the manner in which they held their lands, 
but to win the people over to the American side and lead 
them to place themselves under the government of the State 
of Maine. The following documentary evidence will suffice 
to establish this point. 

"State of Maine: To Walter Powers, of Madawaska, 
in said County, Greeting. 

"You are hereby required, in the name of the State of Maine, 
to notify and warn the inhabitants of said Madawaska, 
qualified to vote in town affairs, to meet at Mr. Peter Lizotte's 
dwelling house in said town, on Saturday the 20th day of 
August, 1831, and there to act on the following articles, and 
to transact such other business as may come before them. 

1st. To choose a Moderator. 

2nd. To choose a Town Clerk. 

3rd. To choose Select Men. 

4th. To choose Constables, and all other Town Officers. 

And you are hereby required, in the name of the State 
of Maine, to make a return of this warrant, with your doings 


therein, at the said meeting at which you will preside until 
a moderator be chosen. 

"Given under my hand and seal at Bangor, in said county, 
11th July, 1831. 

(Signed) William D. Williamson,* 

Justice of the Peace. 

As the date of this document corresponds with that on 
which Deane and Kavanagh passed through Bangor on their 
way to the "disputed territory, " the conclusion is well-nigh 
irresistible that it was furnished at their request and that they 
took it with them to Madaw r aska. It appears from the sworn 
evidence of L. R. Coombes, J. P., of Madawraska, who exam- 
ined the document, that the names of Walter Powers, to whom 
the warrant was addressed, and of Peter Lizotte at whose place 
the inhabitants were to assemble, and also the day and date 
of the meeting w r ere in a different hand-writing from the rest 
of the warrant, having apparently been filled in by the 
American settlers after mutual consultation. 

An interesting question arises out of the statements of 
Deane and Kavanagh in their report, namely, what was the 
real attitude of the French settlers in Madawaska, in regard 
to the boundary question? Did they as a body favor the 
British or the American claim? On this head we need not 
be surprised that the views of Ward Chipman, Jonathan 
Odell, Surveyor-General Sproule, and their immediate succes- 
sors were not in accord with those expressed by Deane and 
Kavanagh. The Rev. Charles W. Collins judiciously observes: 
"There is no evidence of a spontaneous outburst of American 
feeling among the French inhabitants; some were found to 
join the Kennebec men, as some can be found ready for 
almost any venture in a populous settlement. There was no 
adequate reason why the Acadians, knowing practically 
nothing of the State of Maine, having tasted no benefits 
from that commonwealth, should cease to let well enough 

♦William D. Williamson was at one time the president of the State Senate and also acting 
governor of the State. He was the ainhor of a well known history of Maine. 


alone, turn against the government in force among them, 
expose their families to possible exile and jeopardize the title 
to their lands, in order to espouse the cause of a small and 
turbulent group of strangers who had done little since entering 
the country except foment disturbance. There was absolute- 
ly nothing to gain and much to lose by such a procedure. 
Then the French cared not who got the territory; the only 
thing that concerned them was the title to their farms." 

It is evident that, while there were some partizans, the 
majority of the French people were non-committal in their 
attitude. They were accustomed to consider themselves under 
British jurisdiction, but, knowing that the territory on which 
they resided was in dispute, they deemed it prudent to remain 
quiescent, until the matter was settled. Nor was their 
waiting attitude of recent growth. 

The very interesting journal of Bishop Plessis of Quebec, 
in which he tells of his visit to Madawaska in September, 
1812, when the United States and England were at war, 
contains the following significant passage: — ''According to the 
boundary fixed between the American and British possessions 
by the treaty of 1783, all this country should belong to the 
United States." Then, speaking of the war in progress, he 
observes: "Anyone can understand that in time of war it is 
difficult to count much upon the dispositions of the people 
who inhabit such a country and whose fate can only be 
decided at the next peace. Some of the inhabitants according- 
ly have lately refused to perform the duty of British militia- 
men. In two months, say they, it may perhaps be decided 
that we belong to the Americans, what need is there for us 
to train ourselves to fight with them?" 

When Maine became a State in 1820, a census of the 
district of Madawaska was taken by Fry, without seemingly 
any interference on the part of the British authorities, and 
possibly without their knowledge. The settlement then 
included 1,171 souls, who were included in the public returns 
as citizens of the United States, and part of the inhabitants 
of Maine. 


In the year 1S25, the Legislatures of Maine and Massachu- 
setts authorized their land agents to convey to the settlers 
in Madawaska, by good and sufficient deeds, one hundred 
acres each of the land by them possessed, to include their 
improvements, many of the people already holding these lands 
by grants from the Crown. The American agents early in 
October, 1S25, commenced surveying the settlers' lots. To 
John Baker and a few others they gave deeds, but finding there 
was not time to complete their surveys, they deemed it 
sufficient for their purpose to post up notices of the disposition 
of the States towards the settlers. These notices were posted 
at the Church, at the grist-mills and other public places. 
The agents also made "domiciliary visits" among the settlers, 
explaining the object of their visiting the country. They 
aver that the people expressed great delight at the prospect 
of being received into the family of Maine. They also 
endeavoured to prevent the inhabitants of Madawaska 
attending a military training, then about to be held under the 
laws of New Brunswick, going so far as to offer to pay any 
fines that might be imposed upon the delinquents. This 
attempt, however, was unavailing, for the General Training 
was held on October 4, and upwards of three hundred men, 
under forty-five years of age, were present at it. Assurances 
were given by the Acadians to the New Brunswick authorities 
that they were satisfied with the titles they already had to 
their lands and would not be seduced from their allegiance. 

On March 15, 1831, the Maine legislature incorporated the 
township of Madawaska. But our New Brunswick authorities 
continued from time to time to assert their authority, and 
when the second census of the province was taken in 1834, 
the Parish of Madawaska was included in the census returns. 
It showed that there were 347 inhabited houses and 2,270 
inhabitants in the parish. 

The incorporation of Madawaska as a township by the 
legislature of Maine, in 1831, was merely a political move to 
strengthen the claim of the Americans to jurisdiction in that 
region. The action proved abortive, and no further incorpor- 


ation took place until I860, when the towns of Fort Kent, 
French ville, Grand Isle and Madawaska were formed. Up to 
about 1825 the Acadian element largely predominated in the 
Madawaska settlement, but shortly after that date there was a 
large immigration from Canada, as we shall see when we come 
to consider the report of the two American delegates. 

The mission of Deane and Kavanagh had, as one of its 
objects, the organization of the township under the jurisdiction 
of the State. Entering the settlement by way of the head- 
waters of the Kennebec and Penobscot and descending from 
thence by the Alligash to the St. John above the St. Francis, 
their visit was a surprise to the British authorities, who, 
however, were speedily informed of it. Special efforts were 
made by Mr. Deane to secure the co-operation of Pierre 
Lizotte, who lived on the westerly (now American) side of 
the St. John, about two miles below the chapel at St. Basil, 
on a lot of land granted by the government of New Bruns- 
wick in 1790. By reason of his age and intelligence and his 
position as a Captain in the militia he was a man of some 
consequence among his fellows. Lizotte hospitably entertained 
his visitors and furnished them with information, though he 
did not — if we are to credit his declaration under oath before 
the attorney-general of New Brunswick — compromise his 
allegiance to British authority. His deposition is of value 
as throwing additional light upon the proceedings of Deane 
and Kavanagh. 

Deposition of Peter Lizotte. 

"Madawaska, Parish of Kent, York County. 
"Peter Lizotte of the parish of Kent, in the County of York, 
Esquire, and Captain of Militia in the said county, being 
duly sworn, deposeth and saith, that some time about the 1st 
August, last past, he w T as visited by an American of the name 
of John G. Deane, accompanied by a person also an American, 
named Edward Kavanagh, who stated that he, the said John 
G. Deane, came into Madawaska for the purpose of taking an 
account of the number of the inhabitants, and the quantity 


of the lands occupied by each. That they remained with 
this deponent two nights and two days; that the said Deane 
was very particular in making inquiry of this deponent as to 
his, this deponent's age, the number in his family, the size 
of his house, the number of his cattle, the quantity of acres 
of which his farm consisted; that he, this deponent, observed 
to the said Deane that he did not understand what he wanted; 
that he, this deponent, had always been and was a British 
subject, satisfied and contented with Government; and that 
it might bring him, this deponent, into difficulty if he com- 
plied with his, the said Deane's, request, and desired to know 
whether he, the said Deane, had any authority for what he was 
doing; to which the said Deane replied that he had, from the 
State of Maine, and produced a paper, saying that it was a 
commission giving him the authority; but he, this deponent, 
being illiterate and unable to read, was compelled to rely on 
his, the said Deane's, assertion as to its contents; that when 
this deponent mentioned his fears of acting wrong and in 
opposition to his allegiance, the said Deane replied he need 
be under no apprehension on that subject, as he, this deponent, 
was now a citizen of the State of Maine; that the said Deane 
then went on further to say to this deponent, that he, this 
deponent, would make a good representative for the district 
of Madawaska to the State of Maine Legislature, and 
advised this deponent to offer himself and to become one, 
saying that the deponent, as such representative, would get 
three-pence per mile travelling expences going and returning 
from the Legislature, and ten shillings for each day of his 
attendance, and twenty shillings for each day he might wait 
before the Legislature assembled. Whereupon this deponent 
observed he had been born, and always heretofore lived, 
a British subject, and should die such. This reply appeared 
to disconcert the said Deane, and he walked backward and 
forward across the room for some time. The said Deane 
also told this deponent, as well as many others, that if he 
did not give to him, the said Deane, the number of acres 
of his land, when the surveyor from Maine came, which would 


be before the time of planting the next spring, his name would 
not be found on the list, and he, this deponent, as well as all 
others who declined, would lose their lands, and that those 
who gave an account of their lands would have titles given to 
them, free of all expence, excepting the sum of five dollars 
to the surveyor-general, for laying them out, and those who 
always had grants would have them free of expence, and that 
all inhabitants who at present were not in possession of lands 
would have each one hundred acres given to them by the 
State of Maine, free of expence. That the said Deane and 
the said Edward Kavanagh both endeavored to persuade and 
prevail upon this deponent to become and acknowledge him- 
self as belonging to the State of Maine, and consider himself 
as a citizen thereof, stating to him that there was no danger 
of injury to himself by his, this deponent's so doing." 

(Signed.) Peter Lizotte. 

Sworn this 23rd day of September, 
1831, before me. 

Charles J. Peters. 
Also J. Maclauchlan. 

J. Rice. 

There was at this time an understanding between the 
British and American governments, that, pending the issue 
of the negotiations for the settlement of the boundary, both 
parties should refrain from any acts of aggression in the 
disputed territory. In the early part of the year 1831, the 
award of the King of the Netherlands was received. It pro- 
vided that the River St. John, from the point where it is inter- 
sected by the north line from the source of the St. Croix 
to the mouth of the St. Francis, should form a part of the 
international boundary.* The award was accepted by the 

*By the terms of the treaty of 1783 the north line from the source of the St. Croix 
was to extend to the highlands. The decision of the royal arbitrator that the highlands 
were to be found in the depths of the St. John river was the cause of much sarcastic 
comment. The Governor of Maine in his message to the State Legislature, in 1841, jeers 
at the idea "that antediluvian mountains, by some geological process have become abraded 
and worn down, and have now become the beds of large rivers." 


British, hut subsequently rejected by the American Senate. 
Matters ostensibly were in statu quo, nevertheless the effect 
of the decision of the king of the Netherlands was to confirm 
the Americans in their determination to, at least, hold the 
territory to the westward of the St. John, and, at the same 
time, it made the British authorities more cautious in the 
exercise of their jurisdiction over that locality. At the trial 
of Barnahas Hunnewell and his associates, to which we shall 
presently refer more fully, Captain James Maclauchlan, the 
warden of the disputed territory, testified that his instructions 
were: — "If the American agents confined their proceedings 
to the western side of the river I was to protest, and I did 
protest. The agents, Messrs. Deane and Kavanagh, told me 
they had instructions to take an account of the inhabitants, 
the property, houses and other local information, but that 
they had no authority and did not intend to use any compul- 
sory proceedings, all the information was to be given voluntar- 
ily. I told them if they came on the east side of the river, 
I should take other steps, meaning thereby I should prevent 
them by force. I conceive they understood it in that sense 
also. With respect to the west side I protested against their 
proceedings. This was before any town meeting. I had no 
allusion to any such meetings when I spoke of protesting only. 
I remained with Deane and Kavanagh three days." 

We learn further from the evidence of Captain Leonard 
R. Coombes, at the same trial, that Captain Maclauchlan 
had on his way from Fredericton called at the Chief Justice's* 
and had been advised by him that as the boundary question 
was so near a settlement it would be better not to interfere 
with the American agents if they confined themselves to the 
west side of the river, unless they should attempt some act 
of sovereignty. The presumption of the Chief Justice that 
the boundary was well-nigh settled was doubtless based upon 
the recent promulgation of the decision of the King of the 

♦Chief Justice Saunders had a country seat, known as The Barony, on the west side 
of the St. John River, about twenty-four miles below the town of Woodstock. It was most 
probably here, that Maclauchlan called. 


Netherlands; and in view of the stipulation contained in the 
Vllth article of the Convention of Arbitration that, l 'the 
decision of the arbiter, when given, shall be final and conclusive," 
no one could have anticipated its rejection by the United 
States Senate. 

After Messrs. Deane and Kavanagh had completed their 
tour of the Madawaska Settlement, they left the house of 
John Baker on the 9th of August to explore the Aroostook 
region. A day or two after their departure, Francis Rice* 
was informed by Simon Hebert, junior, that notices had been 
put up at two or three different places in the settlement 
calling on the inhabitants to attend a town meeting, to elect 
and choose officers for the district as part of the county of 
Penobscot. One of these notices was posted up in the house 
of Jean Baptiste Soucie at the instigation of John Baker. 
The meeting was summoned by Walter Powers in accordance 
with the warrant received from W. D. Williamson of Bangor, 
already quoted. The date of the meeting was the 20th of 
August and the place, the house of Pierre Lizotte. On the 
day of the meeting Mr. Rice attended to witness what might 
take place and to remonstrate and protest against the pro- 
ceedings and use his influence to prevent the French settlers 
from being led astray. Captain Leonard Coombesf, having 
learned that John Baker had put up one of his notices 
at the house of Romaine Micheau, also attended the meeting for 
the same purpose. There were present, John Baker, Walter 
Powers, Jesse Wheelock, Daniel Savage, Randal Harford, John 
Harford, Barnabas Hunnewell, Nathaniel Bartlett, Augustin 
Webster and Amos Mattocks, all of them of the American 

*Francis Rice lived half a mile above the mouth of the Madawaska on the east side of the 
River St. John. He was a magistrate and adjutant of militia. The late Col. Baird, in 
his "Seventy Years of New Brunswick Life," p. 91, speaks of him as a good sample of a 
witty Irishman. He was elected a member of the Provincial Assembly when Victoria County 
was formed in 1850, and was afterwards a member of the Legislative Council until the Con- 
federation of the Provinces in 1867. 

tCaptain Leonard Coombes had at this time been living for nearly two years at a place 
in the Madawaska Settlement, about twelve miles above the Grand Falls. He was a 
captain in the York County, N. B., militia and afterwards lieutenant-colonel. He was also 
a commissioner for solemnizing marriage and a very influential man in the community. 


colony at the upper end of the settlement. About twenty 
of the French inhabitants were also present. It is evident, 
however, that the agitation for town government was exclus- 
ively an American idea; the French apparently were not active 
in the matter and comparatively few attended the meeting. 

Peter Lizotte after consultation with Mr. Rice refused 
to grant permission for the meeting to be held in his house. 
The people then assembled around a cart in a field near the 
house and Walter Powers proceeded to explain the object of 
the meeting. Francis Rice, in his capacity of magistrate, 
protested against the meeting in the King's name and required 
them to desist. Captain Coombes protested in like manner. 
In the conversation that followed, John Baker, who was as 
usual the principal spokesman, denied the authority of the 
British government and said that they considered themselves 
in the County of Penobscot in the State of Maine and that 
they had the warrant of their own government for their 
proceedings. Captain Coombes states in his evidence, at the 
trial subrequently held, "About half the number present were 
of the French inhabitants; Baker tried hard to persuade 
them to vote, and I tried hard to dissuade them; I think it 
was the interference of Mr. Rice and myself that prevented 
the French from voting." The election was by ballot and 
resulted in the choice of the following township offices: 

Moderator, Barnabas Hunnewell; Town Clerk, Jesse 
Wheelock; Select-men, Daniel Savage, John Harford, Amos 
Mattocks; Constables Randal Harford, Barnabas Hunnewell. 

Paul Cyr was chosen a select-man and Romaine Micheau 
a constable, but both, on the advice of Captain Coombes, 
declined to act. 

John Baker, in a sworn deposition*, describes the meeting 
at Lizotte's in much the same fashion, but states that Leonard 
Coombes threatened the inhabitants with imprisonment, if they 
voted or took part in the proceedings which were contem- 
plated in the warrant calling the meeting. He also says that 
Francis Rice used many opprobrious and threating terms 

♦Made at Portland, Maine, before F. O. J. Smith, Esquire. 


against the government and the authorities of the State of 
Maine, and against all who were taking part in the organiza- 
tion of the town aforesaid. In consequence of the attitude 
of Messrs. Coombes and Rice only about twelve or fifteen 
persons voted at the meeting. 

Another town meeting was held on September 12, at the 
house of Raphael Martin, on the South side of the River 
St. John, in the upper part of the Settlement. Mr. Rice 
again attended. He says that there were fifty or sixty persons 
present; Baker says there were about eighty. Barnabas 
Hunnewell presided as Moderator and Jesse Wheelock was 
Clerk. The object of the meeting was declared to be the 
election of a person to represent the town of Madawaska in 
the Legislature of the State of Maine. Mr. Rice again in the 
King's name protested against the proceedings. Mr. Hunne- 
well made a warm rejoinder and turning to the magistrate 
said "as to any order coming from that quarter, I bid it 
defiance." The meeting adjourned and discussed the propriety 
of ejecting Mr. Rice from the house. They agreed to do so, 
but their resolution was not carried into effect in consequence 
of Raphael Martin, the landlord, refusing his consent thereto. 
The business of the meeting was again proceeded with and 
finally Peter Lizotte was declared elected by a vote of twenty- 
one to five. John Baker says that, for the supposed purpose 
of intimidating the electors, Mr. Rice noted in writing the 
names of all persons who voted. In addition to the Ameri- 
cans the following French settlers gave in their votes ; Raphael 
Martin, Jean Baptiste d'Aigle, Joseph Peltier, Joseph Peltier 
the 2nd, Christopher Martin, Hebert Carron, Pierre Marquis, 
Joseph Marquis, Thomas Micheau, Joseph Legresse, Elois 
Legresse, Ferdinand Oullet, Baptiste Bouchette, Baptiste Losee, 
Lawrence d'Aigle. 

The Governor of New Brunswick, Sir Archibald Campbell, 
and Attorney-General Peters, went to Madawaska to inquire 
into the proceedings of John Baker and his confederates. 

In his report to the Governor, the Attorney-General 
says: "The conduct of the persons who have been 


concerned in those transactions is the more aggravating, 
as they evidently appear to be the instruments and 

agents of the State of Maine Agents of the 

Government of Maine, appear to have been secretly passing 
through the settlement and intermixing with the French 
inhabitants (of which the great majority consists). This has, 
I regret to say, evidently had an effect of unsettling the 
minds of a great number, if not almost to seduce them from 
their allegiance to His Majesty's person and government. 
In a recent instance, at an illegal meeting, under the denomina- 
tion of a town meeting, assembled at the instigation of those 
instruments and agents of the State of Maine, several of those 
hitherto loyal though ignorant persons were prevailed onto give 
their votes for a Representative to the Legislature of that 
State; they not being aware of the nature of the offence, 
they were induced to commit." 

Warrants for the arrest of those concerned in the pro- 
ceedings were issued by Maclauchlan and Rice as justices of 
the peace, and the Sheriff of the County of York succeeded 
in arresting Barnabas Hunnewell, the elected Moderator, 
Daniel Savage, one of the Select men, Jesse Wheelock, the 
town clerk, and one Daniel Bean, all of whom were committed 
to jail in Fredericton. The Frenchmen, who participated 
in the meeting, were also apprehended and obliged to give 
bail for their appearance at court. In making the arrests, 
the Sheriff had the assistance of Captain Coombes, and a 
company of the militia. John Baker thus described his 

"About twelve o'clock or noon on the 25th day of Sep- 
tember, 1831, I discovered about twenty canoes coming up 
the St. John, apparently in great haste, with one or more 
men in each. These landed just below my mills. I retreated 
to a distance and watched their movements. After examining 
my mills they proceeded to the other houses and searched 
them and returned to my dwelling-house, where they posted 
sentinels armed with muskets. While I remained in the 

rition of John Baker, taken at Portland before F. O. J. Smith, Esquire. 


woods, Mrs. Baker, my wife, came to me and informed me 
that Bart Hunnewell, Dan. Been and several French settlers 
were held as prisoners by the soldiers then at my house — 
that Mr. Miller, the High Sheriff, had searched the house 
throughout and afterwards directed her to advise me to 
surrender myself to the British authorities, and that if I 
would go to Simon Hebert's house, where the Governor and 
Attorney-General of the province then were, and give bail for 
my appearance at the Courts at Fredericton, I should be 
released, that it was in vain for me to think of keeping out 
of the way, as they intended to keep up a garrison throughout 
the territory and force me into a compliance to the British 

After rather an adventurous journey, John Baker arrived 
in safety at Portland, where great excitement was created by 
his story. Wheelock and Savage, who were arrested, wrote 
to Roscoe G. Greene, secretary of the State of Maine, detailing 
the manner of their arrest. According to their statement the 
Lieutenant Governor, Sir Archibald Campbell, came to Mada- 
waska on the 23rd of September, backed by the Attorney- 
General of the province, Mr. Maclauchlan, Sheriff Miller of 
the County of York, and a company of militia, their purpose 
being to re-establish British authority, arrest those that had 
held the town meeting, and overawe the disaffected. At 
this time the inhabitants of the district numbered about 2,000. 
Only three of those actively concerned in the meeting at 
Captain Lizotte's were captured, the rest having secreted 
themselves in the woods to avoid arrest. Hunnewell, Savage 
and Wheelock w r ere tried at Fredericton, found guilty and 
sentenced to three months imprisonment and fined £50 each. 

There was much excitement in the State of Maine over 
this incident, and a special session of the Legislature was 
called, but, at the suggestion of the British ambassador at 
Washington, the political offenders were released in a short 
time and their fines remitted and this served in some measure 
to allay the excitement. 

John Baker continued to be a persistent agitator in behalf 
of Linked States jurisdiction until the boundary dispute was 


finally sot tied by the Ashburton treaty. In October, 1840, 
we find him presiding at a town meeting at the house of Joseph 
Nadeau, next above the block house at the mouth of Fish 
River. According to Captain James Macauchlan those who 
attended were "chiefly Americans, headed by the notorious 
John or General Baker, and the lowest order of Canadians, 
who have been but a short time in the settlement and are 
generally speaking without principle or property." 

Captain Maclauchlan commends the peaceable attitude of 
the Acadians, who, he says, took no part with the Americans. 
In this they may have been influenced to some extent by 
Monsieur Langevin, their priest, who about that time (or a 
little later) wrote to Sir John Harvey: 

"As regards political matters, we live at one time in hope, at 
another in fear, of what the outcome may be in regard to the 
boundary; but come what may, we will rather prefer war than 
to yield an inch of the soil of Madawaska to the Americans."* 

Governor Sir W. M. G. Colebrooke, writing in 1841, says 
that on the occasion of the annual assemblage of the militia, 
the Acadian and English settlers from Upper Madawaska 
turned out, whilst the French (Canadians) and American 
settlers disregarded the summons — a result which was the 
natural consequence of a disputed jurisdiction. We may 
place as an offset to his testimony, for the reader's considera- 
tion, the following extract from the report of the joint 
committe of the Maine State Legislature, submitted in March, 
L838: "Your committee are satisfied, from all the informa- 
tion they have obtained, that the inhabitants of the disputed 
territory, including Madawaska, are well disposed to aid this 
State and are desirous to be released from British thraldom, 
and to have the benefit of our laws and institutions." 

A few words may fittingly be added to what has been already 
related concerning John Baker and the American colony of 
Upper Madawaska. 

Somewhere about the year 1816, a small party left Moscow, 
in Somerset County, Maine, to engage in lumbering on the 

*" Quant aux affaires politiques, nous vivons tantot dans l'esperance et tantot dans 
la crainte de ce qui va se passer par rapport a la ligne; mais advienne ce que pourra, nous 
amions mieux la guerreque ce ceder un pouce de terrain de Madawaska aux Americains. " 


upper St. John. The party included Nathan Baker, his wife 
and three children, John Baker, oneStimpson, Captain Fletcher 
and John Harford. 

After a journey of two hundred and fifty miles in birch 
canoes and being fifteen days on the way, they arrived at 
the stream, known as Baker Brook. John Baker went to 
the Bay Chaleur and carried on lumbering for several years. 
On the death of his brother Nathan, he returned to Madawaska 
to look after his property and soon after married his widow. 
Mrs. Baker's maiden name was Sophia Rice, daughter of 
Enoch Rice of Brookfield, Massachusetts. She was born in 
1785, married at the age of nineteen years, lived sixty years 
at Baker Brook and died at Fort Fairfield, at the age of 
ninety-eight years. 

John Baker is said, by one of his descendants, to have been 
about five feet eleven inches in height, and to have weighed 
about one hundred and seventy-five pounds. He was very erect, 
had a light complexion, bright blue eyes, heavy chin and a 
very big nose. He was a good talker, could take a glass of 
liquor, and was charitable and generous to his poorer neigh- 

It is said that when Warden James A. Maclauchlan, seized 
the teams and timber on the disputed territory, John Baker 
went on snow-shoes two hundred miles through the woods to 
notify the Maine authorities at Augusta, who sent a civil 
posse, which Baker piloted through the woods from Aroostook 
to Fort Kent at the mouth of Fish River. Feeling ran high, 
and the Governor of Maine called out about 1,000 militia, 
the so-called "invincibles," who had a very good time. No 
blood was shed on either side and the war was sometimes 
facetiously referred to as "the war of pork and beans." John 
Baker was buried at St. Francis and re-interred in Riverside 
cemetery in Fort Fairfield. Here a memorial was dedicated 
to him on October 3, 1895, in accordance with a resolution 
adopted by the Legislature of Maine, authorizing its erection. 
The sarcophagus is a handsome one, of fine marble, bearing 
the inscription: — 


"Erected by the authority of a Resolve of the Legislature 
of Maine, A. D. 1895, to commemorate the patriotism of 
John Baker, a loyal son of Maine, in maintaining the honor 
of his flag during the contentions on the disputed territory, 

It is rather a curious circumstance that when a New 
Brunswick battalion was formed in 1885 for active service, 
in the Canadian North West, at the time of the second Riel 
rebellion, the company furnished by the 67th regiment was 
commanded by Major Jesse Baker, who was then living on 
the ancestral property at Baker Brook, in Madawaska County, 
a very loyal Canadian. 

Among those mentioned by Deane and Kavanagh in their 
report we find the name of James A. Maclauchlan, the well 
known "Warden of the disputed territory. He was born 
in Scotland, April 12, 1797, and was a son of Captain James 
Maclauchlan of the Royal Engineers. He received his train- 
ing, preparatory for service in the Engineers, at a military 
school in England. While yet a lad in his teens he came 
out to Halifax to join his father, who had been stationed in 
the West Indies but had been ordered to Halifax to take 
charge of some work in connection with the fortifications. 
On his arrival in Halifax he found that his father had been 
sent to Trinidad. Young Maclauchan proceeded to Frederic- 
ton, where an influential friend of the family was living. 
The 104th regiment was being recruited for the war of 1812 
and he was given an Ensigncy. He shared in the regiment's 
famous midwinter march to Quebec and in its subsequent 
campaigns. In the assault on Fort Erie, August 13, 1814, 
Maclauchlan, who was then a lieutenant, was severely 
wounded while gallantly leading the grenadier company into 
action. Major Leonard, of the regiment, says that few on 
that day were more deserving of approbation. 

The regiment was disbanded in May, 1817, and many of 
the soldiers received grants of land in various places. A 
detachment of the regiment, under Lieutenant Maclauchlan, 
settled on the portage between Lake Temiscouata and the 


St. Lawrence. They were encouraged in this by the British 
Government, which desired to develop the country along the 
route of communication between the Maritime Provinces and 
Quebec. The indifferent character of the soil and the isolated 
situation led the men to abandon their lands and remove to 
the military settlements which were being formed on the 
River St. John below the Tobique. The surveyors employed 
in laying out the military settlements were Allan McLean, 
James A. Maclauchlan and Colin Campbell. Lieut. Mac- 
lauchlan married December 26, 1818, Sarah L. Plant, 
daughter of commissary-general Plant, and took up his 
residence in Fredericton, removing a little later to Kingswood, 
a few miles out of town. He received the appointment of 
deputy in the surveyor-general's department and was employed 
by the Provincial Government in laying out roads and settle- 
ments on the Upper St. John. His interest in the welfare 
of the settlers is shown in the petition that he submitted to the 
legislature, in February, 1819, "praying relief for the military 
settlers of the late 104th, the New Brunswick Fencible and 
the 98th regiments, located upon the River St. John between 
Presquisle and the Grand Falls." The Assembly responded 
by voting the sum of $400 to purchase for their benefit, 
potatoes and other seed for the ensuing spring. To further 
assist them the government furnished them with employment 
on the road leading to Canada. The work north of Presquisle 
was performed under the direction of Mr. Maclauchlan who 
was in 1819 appointed 'Commissioner of highways for the 
district between the White Marsh and Tobic River.' A 
little later he was appointed Supervisor of Great Roads from 
Fredericton to the Canada Line and from Woodstock to 
Houlton. He built the first bridges across many of the 
larger tributaries of the St. John, such as the Presquisle, 
Aroostook and other streams. 

Prior to 1822 Maclauchlan was a magistrate of the County 
of York, then including Carleton, Victoria and Madawaska. 
Later he was commissioned lieutenant-colonel in the militia. 
Though not a resident, few men were more generally known 


on the Upper St. John. The roads which he laid out were well 
built, although some of them were after the old Roman style, 
'up hill and down dale,' with little attempt at avoiding the 
eminences. A good specimen of this style of road is that 
leading from Woodstock to Houlton. 

During the dispute with Maine respecting the boundary, 
both parties claimed possession of Madawaska and the 
Aroostook region. Mr. Maclauchlan's post as Warden of 
the disputed territory, was a delicate and difficult one, 
requiring courage, tact and firmness. The Americans also 
had their land agent. The rage for cutting pine timber, 
displayed by bold adventurers on both sides of the line, 
was a source of constant trouble and anxiety. The land 
agents, while regarding one another with suspicion, were 
frequently compelled to co-operate in the protection of the 
timber. Maclauchlan meanwhile was doing his best to uphold 
British sovereignty in the territory in dispute. 

In 1831, not very long after he was appointed Warden, 
he attended Messrs. Deane and Kavanagh, the American 
agents, in their tour through the Madawaska settlement. 
We shall see in the journal of their proceedings that he 
acted with tact and good judgment. His correspondence 
with Sir Archibald Campbell and Sir John Harvey during 
this troublesome period is very interesting. It is printed, 
in part, in the blue books on the boundary question presented 
to the British parliament. 

In the summer of 1837 Warden Maclauchlan was obliged 
to arrest Ebenezer S. Greely of Maine for persisting in taking 
a census of the inhabitants living on the east side of the 
St. John in Madawaska. Greely was taken to Kredericton 
and placed in confinement. The adjutant general of Maine 
thereupon issued a general order, the tenor of which will 
appear in the opening words: 

Fellow Soldiers, — The soil of our State has been 
invaded, one of our citizens, while in performance of a duty 
required by law, was arrested within the territory of Maine, 
and carried to an adjoining foreign province, where he now 


remains incarcerated within the walls of a prison. This is 
but a repetition of former acts of injustice committed against 
our border inhabitants by officers acting under the authority 
of the British Province of New Brunswick. 

The militia were called upon to hold themselves in readi- 
ness for service. After a little negotiation, however, Greely 
was set at liberty, the general government of the United 
States meanwhile bringing pressure to bear upon the State of 
Maine to prevent any further attempt to complete the census, 
pending the negotiations in progress for determining the 

In February, 1839, Rufus Mclntire, the American land 
agent, and two of his assistants were seized by the provincial 
authorities and taken to Fredericton. The Americans retali- 
ated by seizing Mr. Maclauchlan and his assistant, Mr. 
Tibbits, who were taken to Bangor and placed in confinement. 
Soon afterwards Mr. Mclntire and those with him were 
released on parole of honour to return to Fredericton when 
required by the authorities there. Thereupon Governor 
Fairfield released Mr. Maclauchlan and his assistant upon 
the same terms. Had it not been for the mutual good sense 
of Major General Scott and Sir John Harvey at this critical 
juncture war would in all probability have ensued. 

In September of this year Mr. Maclauchlan was once 
more engaged in road making. Under his supervision a 
tow-path was made on the east side of the Madawaska River, 
from Lake Temiscouata to its mouth. A good road was also 
made on the west side of the lake and river from the British 
post, at the head of the lake, to the 'Little Falls,' or Edmun- 

The year before the boundary question was settled by 
the Ashburton Treaty, Mr. Maclauchlan's duty required the 
utmost circumspection. In spite of all his efforts to prevent 
it he says that he had reason to believe that 10,000 tons of pine 
timber, cut on the disputed territory, was on its way down 
the river to St. John. 

Another town meeting was held by the American colony 
at the mouth of Fish River on the 2nd November, 1S40. 


At this meeting Captain Rines, the officer in command of 
the American posse, threatened the Warden with arrest in 
the event of his attempting to interfere. John Baker, as 
usual, was very active in the proceedings. Baker was arrested 
by the Warden a few months afterwards on the charge of 
assisting seven soldiers of the 56th regiment to desert. He 
pleaded not guilty and declined to make any defence, claiming 
that as an American citizen on American territory he could 
not acknowledge the jurisdiction of a New Brunswick magis- 
trate. He was fined twenty dollars, which he paid and was 
liberated. This incident occurred at Baker's residence on 
the New Brunswick side of the St. John River. 

The emoluments derived by Maclauchlan from the various 
offices that he held were very considerable, but his office as 
Warden ceased when the boundary was settled. In 1845 he was 
appointed, with the late Sir John C. Allen, a commissioner to 
determine the validity of the land claims of the settlers 
between Grand Falls and the River St. Francis. Throughout 
the prolonged period of the boundary dispute the lands in 
this region were continually being taken up by settlers, 
Acadians and Canadians, who were, in the eye of the law, 
merely squatters. Those who could show an undisputed 
possession of the lands they occupied for six years were 
confirmed in possession. The examination of the claims 
occupied the commissioners more than two years and their 
work was highly commended. Grants were made by govern- 
ment in accordance with their recommendations. 

Mr. Maclauchlan spent his declining years at Kingswood. 
He was an active churchman, always in his pew on Sunday 
and joining in sonorous tones in the responses. He died 
October 14, 1865, in his sixty-ninth year. 

It was not until sixty years after the close of the American 
Revolution that the north-eastern boundary of the United 
States was settled. During this long interval no serious 
attempt could well be made to determine the boundary 
between Canada and New Brunswick. As early as 1787, 
the surveyor-general of New Brunswick claimed as the 


northern boundary of his province, the water-shed between 
Lake Temiscouata and the River St. Lawrence. Holland, the 
surveyor-general of Quebec, on the other hand, contended 
that the boundary should go as far south as the Grand Falls. 
Lord Dorchester thought so too, arguing that "It is very 
immaterial in itself whether a tract of country he called 
part of this or the other of the King's Provinces, but when 
it is considered that the United States will naturally look 
upon the termination of our boundary as the commencement 
of their's the subject becomes important." 

The government of New Brunswick refused to accept a 
boundary so far south as the Grand Falls, and the matter 
was left in abeyance. In consequence there was a district 
on the Upper St. John in which provincial jurisdiction was 
ill defined. This was another source of trouble to the 

The Quebec boundary was not absolutely settled until 
1855 and in the meanwhile cases arose in which there was a 
conflict between the authorities of Quebec and New Bruns- 

In the year 1789, Anselme and Michel Robichaud, of 
Rivere des Caps, took legal proceedings against Augustin 
Dube and Pierre Duperre — the latter is described as 
''merchant at Madawaska." The defendents, Dube and 
Duperre, alleged that they were not under Quebec jurisdiction 
but were domiciled in the Province of New Brunswick. 
However, the Quebec authorities ordered that certain lands 
belonging to the defendents should be sold to satisfy the 
claim of the brothers Robichaud. Duperre's property is 
described as "containing six arpents in front on the River 
St. John at Madawaska, by a league in depth, joining on 
the northeast side to Francois Albert, together with an old 
house thatched with straw, 15 by 30 feet, a store house of 
cedar logs roofed with bark, 18 feet by 30 feet, with arable 
land for sowing three bushels and a half of grain." The 
property was advertised to be sold on December 16, 1791, 
to the highest bidder, "at the door of the House, or Chapel, 
where the inhabitants meet for Divine Service in Madawaska." 


The agents employed by Quebec authority were Francois 
Cyr and Jacques Cyr, both of Madawaska, the one a captain 
and the other a lieutenant of militia, commissioned by the 
Governor of Canada. Pierre Duperre retained Ward Chipman 
as his attorney "to sue and prosecute and by every lawful 
proceeding of personal imprisonment, or otherwise, to recover 
of Jacques Cyr, alias Croque, all such goods, lands, tenements 
and property as he the said Jacques Cyr, alias Croque, has 
by an unlawful act seized and possessed himself of in the 
district of Madawaska." 

About the same time similar proceedings were taken 
against Duperre's neighbour, Frangois Albert, and Jacques 
Cyr was arrested under a warrant issued by Thomas Costin, 
J. P., acting for New Brunswick, and was conveyed by a 
sergeant and four soldiers to the garrison at Grand Falls. 
Before he obtained his release he was compelled to give 
Albert a promissory note for ten pounds and thirteen shillings 
to defray the expenses occasioned by his acting contrary to 
the laws of New Brunswick. Cyr was reimbursed by the 
government of Quebec. 

Lord Dorchester suggested that until the question of 
jurisdiction was settled it might be w r ell that the same militia 
officers and magistrates should be commissioned by both 
provinces. Lieut. Governor Carleton accordingly proposed 
that Pierre Duperre and Louis Mercure should be appointed 
magistrates but Lord Dorchester seems to have demurred, 
and Thomas Costin was appointed the first resident magis- 
trate in 1791. About the same time Pierre Duperre was 
commissioned by Lieut. -Governor Carleton captain of militia. 
He was also a commissioner of highways and overseer of the 
poor for the district. He was a man of influence and educa- 
tion and is said to have been one of the first school teachers 
in the settlement. 

We learn from a memorial, which he presented in 1792 
to the Governor in Council, that Duperre had first settled in 
the vicinity of the Grand Falls, and when the military post 
called Fort Carleton was established there in 1791 he gave 


up his claim to the land on which he lived, "for the con- 
veniency of the garrison," on condition that he should have 
lands elsewhere. He was promised five hundred acres on 
the northeast side of the River, to begin at a brook about 
six miles above the Grand Falls. 

In 1796 Captain Duperre, for himself and nineteen others, 
Acadians of Madawaska, presented a petition to the House 
of Assembly stating that they had been prevented from 
voting at a late election in the County of York by improper 
representations made to them respecting the oaths required 
by law to be taken. The difficulty was removed and they 
voted in 1809 and at subsequent elections. 

In the report of Deane and Kavanagh reference is made 
to a time of scarcity in the early days of the settlement. 
Periods of scarcity, caused mostly by frosts, were common 
in the early days of Madawaska, and one of these is referred 
to in Duperre's petition to the Governor and Council which 
follows : 

May it Please Your Excellency and Council: 

Your Petitioner humbly shew^eth: That your Excellency's 
French settlers at Madawaska are at present in a most 
distressed and lamentable situation; upwards of thirty 
families having not a morsel of Provisions of any kind to 
put in their mouths, their Children and Wives starving, and 
so impoverished as not to be capable of assisting themselves 
even in doing the lightest work, one supposing he may have 
Bread till the first, another till the tenth, and but very few 
till the fifteenth of May. 

The above number of Families, have hitherto been sup- 
ported by their neighbours, who have given them all they 
can spare. And this great distress is not owing so much to 
their own misconduct as to the severe Frosts the last season, 
which destroied about two thirds of all the Grain they had 
raised the last season in the Settlement. Meat or Fsh they 
have had none this long time, and w T hat they will do God 
only knows. 

However, relying on your Excellency's goodness, prays 
your Excellency and Council will be pleased to take their 
miserable situation under consideration (to whom they look 


up to as their Father and Protector) and send them such 
relief as you, in your wisdom and goodness, may judge best 
to relieve their immediate necessities. 

Your Excellency's attention to so many poor unhappy 
French subjects will ever be acknowledged by them, and your 
Petitioner as in duty bound will pray, etc., etc. 

p. duperre. 
Frkdericton, 1st May, 1797. 

There are still many traditions in Madawaska relating 
to this and subsequent periods of crop failure. 

Duperre was a leading man in the settlement. Among 
his contemporaries, who were also prominent, were his half- 
brother Pierre Lozotte, Louis Mercure and Simon Hebert. 

The late Mr. Vital Cyr, principal of the Madawaska 
training school at Fort Kent, Maine, states in some of 
historical notes;* 

"The first recorded marriage in the territory was that of 
Simon Hebert with Miss Josephte Daigle. The marriage 
ceremony took place in an Indian cabin, performed by a 
missionary priest who had come to the place from Canada. 
The first baptism recorded was that of his son Simonette 
i little Simon) Hebert, who became the father of a large and 
prolific family." 

The older Simon Hebert had lived above St. Ann's 
at what was known as the Lower French Village (about 
one and a half miles nearer Fredericton than the present 
French Village). He was living there as late as the 
year 178S, as is shown by his memorial to the Governor in 
Council stating that his father (since deceased) had settled, 
cleared and lived on a piece of land at the Lower French 
Village, which he thinks is vacant and of which he desires 
a grant. The memorial was considered in Council 15th 
August, L788. Simon Hebert and his family were staunch 
supporters of British authority during the boundary dispute. 

*For a copy of these notes the writer is indebted to the late Prudent L. Mercure, formerly 
of the staff of the Department of Canadian Archives at Ottawa. Mr. Mercure laboured in- 
dustriously for many years in the accumulation of materials for a History of Madawaska. It 
is hoped that the fruit of his labours will not be lost and that the history may in due time 


Pierre Lizotte is said to have been a man of rather better 
education than his deposition before Attorney General Peters 
would lead us to infer. He may not have been a good 
English scholar, but he could read and write. He was selected 
by Deane and Kavanagh as the most eligible man to represent 
the district of Madawaska in the Maine state legislature. 
He showed a good deal of diplomacy in a difficult position. 
Lizotte married, October 14, 1794, Marguerite Cyr, daughter 
of Jean Baptiste Cyr. The officiating clergyman w T as the 
Rev. Francois Ciquard, the first resident cure at St. Basile. 
The witnesses were Pierre Duperre and Louis Mercure, and 
doubtless the wedding was quite a social event in the com- 
munity. The bride's father, Jean Baptiste Cyr, with his 
family of nine sons and three daughters, settled on the River 
St. John, above St. Ann's, about the year 1767. They had 
already experience of the sufferings and trials that attended 
the Acadian expulsion. In 1783 Major Studholme sent a 
committee of four persons to ascertain the state of settlement 
on the River St. John. This committee found members of 
the Cyr family at the upper and lower French villages, and 
others just above the Keswick stream, on the opposite side 
of the St. John at the place known as Crock's Point. Tradi- 
tion says that the older Cyr used to manufacture large 
quantities of maple sugar in the disposal of which he used 
smilingly to ask his patrons — "Vout-ils en avoir de quoi 
a croquer?" But w r hether the name of Croque, or Crock, 
really originated in this way is hard to tell. It is at least 
certain that for a considerable while the sobriquet largely 
supplanted the name of Cyr, but in later years has gradu- 
ally fallen into disuse. Major Studholme's exploration com- 
mittee reported that Jean Baptiste Cyr had rendered assis- 
tance to Col. Michael Francklin in keeping the Indians quiet 
during the Revolutionary War. 

On his removal to Madawaska Mr. Cyr soon found himself 
again settled and surrounded by his sons Jean Baptiste, 
Francois, Joseph, Jacques, Antoine, Firmin, Olivier, Pierre 
and Paul, and by his three daughters. They has sold their 


improvements on the lower St. John ("le pays-bas") for 
what they could get. There is a memorandum filed, among 
the crown land records in Fredericton showing that Cornet 
Arthur Nicholson, late of the King's American Dragoons, 
purchased the improvements of Jean Baptiste Cyr, jr., at 
Crock's Point. It reads as follows: 

Paid John Baptist Sear and Judy [Judith] his wife twenty- 
five pounds money lawful of New Brunswick for a quit claim 
to Lot 66 in Queensbury [now Bright] containing 200 acres. 
Dated 10th July, 1787, (Signed) Arthur Nicholson. 

It is said that when poor old Jean Baptiste Cyr was 
obliged to leave his pleasant location and go to Madawaska 
he gazed sadly upon the little plantation his hands had tilled 
and exclaimed, "Est-ce-que le bon Dieu ne fait plus de terre 
pour lesCayens?" ("Can it be that the good Lord has no place 
in the wide world for the Acadians?") But the day came 
when his children and grandchildren numbered more than 
one hundred persons and it is claimed to-day that the Cyrs 
number 2,000 souls and form one-twelfth of the entire popu- 
lation of Madaw r aska. 

Joseph Cyr, one of the sons who went to Madawaska 
married Marguerite Blanche Thibodeau. As the Thibodeaus 
and their kindred the Violettes and Theriaults were nearly 
as numerous as the Cyrs, her relations were so many that 
she was called the "Aunt of Madawaska," or simply "Ma 
Tante La Blanche." She was a woman of much strength 
of character and her name was synonymous with amiability 
and goodness. Wherever there was trouble she was to be 
found and at the time of the dreadful famine she proved an 
angel of mercy in many a stricken household. 

Louis Mercure shares with Lizotte and Duperre the honour 
of founding the Madawaska settlement. His father, Joseph 
Mercure, Captaine d'Infantrie, was living at the Island of 
St. John (Prince Edward Island) when Louis was born on 
May 11, 1753. The younger Mercure settled at the River 
St. John before the outbreak of the Revolutionary War. 
During the war he carried dispatches between Fort Howe 


and Quebec and also between Fort Howe and the British 
post at the mouth of the Penobscot. On one occasion he was 
sent by General Haldimand to Halifax to report upon a pro- 
posed road from Lake Temiscouata to the River St. Lawrence. 
Mercure received from Governor Parr a grant of Bagweet 
Island at the mouth of the Keswick in recognition of his 
services and fidelity. 

The two letters which follow are of great importance as 
regards the origin of the settlement at Madawaska. The 
first, in point of time, is General Haldimand's letter to Gover- 
nor Parr. 

Quebec, 27th November, 1783. 

Sir, — Mercure, the Acadian, who came lately into this 
province as a guide to Mr. Bliss, having informed me that 
many of his countrymen wished to emigrate into this Province 
for the sake of enjoying their religion with more liberty and 
less difficulty in procuring priests, I have thought proper to 
communicate the idea to your Excellency that in case you 
should approve of the measure . we should mutually assist in 
taking steps to carry it into execution. My plan is to grant 
them lands at the Great Falls on the River St. Johns, which 
in time may form settlements to extend almost to the River 
St. Lawrence, which will contribute much to facilitate the 
communication so much to be desired between the two 
Provinces, and which may be attended with circumstances 
very favourable for their mutual interests. 

I shall be glad to have your opinion on this subject, 
and have the honour to be, with great regard, 

Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, 

Frederick Haldimand. 

Rather more than a year later Mercure renewed the 
proposal to effect a settlement at Madawaska in a more definite 
form, as will appear in the following letter to the surveyor- 
general at Quebec, which is given in translation. 

River St. John, 24th February, 1785. 

Sir, — I have the honour to write you this letter to assure 
you of my very humble respect and at the same time to 
desire you to have the goodness to inform Monsieur Duperre 
if it is possible to have some lands below Madawaska. 


Seeing the difficulties that exist on the River St. John on 
account of the new settlements, Monsieur Duperre and my 
brother and I arc resolved to go early in the spring and 
settle ourselves at that place if we can have grants of land 

So far as my own affairs go, Sir, I have the honour to 
inform you that I have done very well, His Excellency the 
Governor [Carleton] has done me full justice. But seeing 
so much difficulty ahead on the River St. John and so much 
miserable dissipation, I do not wish to remain at the place. 
Monsieur Duperre will inform you in the interests of the French 
at this place. I conclude, hoping to see you, sir. 

I am your very humble servant, 

Louis Mercure. 
Mr. Holland. 

Mercure encloses in his letter a list of twenty-four persons 
who desire farms. The lands desired are stated to be "one 
and a half miles below the Falls of Madouwaska." The 
names enclosed are those of Louis Mercure, Michel Mercure, 
Pierre Duperre, Jean Lizotte, Pierre Lizotte, Joseph Lizotte, 
Augustin Dube, Jean Martin, Joseph Daigle, Joseph Daigle, 
Jr., Daniel Gaudin, Simon Martin, Amand Martin, Paul Cyr, 
Francois Cyr, Joseph Cyr, Pierre Cyr, Baptist Cyr, Firmin 
Cyr, Alexandre Ayotte, Robert Fournier, Louis Sausfacon, 
Joseph Cyr, Francois Martin. Sixteen of these were Acadians 
and eight Canadians. 

The co-operation of Mercure, an Acadian, and Duperre, 
a Canadian, was well conceived. Both were men of natural 
ability and fair education. Acting in concert they could 
treat equally well either with the government of New Bruns- 
wick or with that at Quebec. 

Application seems to have been made to the Governor 
and Council of New Brunswick for the lands at Madawaska 
about the same time that the application was made to the 
surveyor-general of Quebec — perhaps a little later. The 
fact that the number of those applying was the same in each 
instance, and that Mercure was the prominent agent in each 
case, seems to indicate that the same individuals were con- 
cerned in both applications. Governor Carleton and his 


Council agreed on June 21, 17S5, that the applicants should 
be allowed to sell their present "improvements" to the best 
advantage, together with the lands that had been reserved 
for them. "Mercure has permission," they add, "to settle 
the petitioners on the lands they may chuse at the Madawaski, 
and a grant will pass in due time for 200 acres to each head 
of a family, with the usual front of sixty rods." 

On the 30th August a tract of land was assigned for the 
proposed settlement, extending from the Madawaska to 
River Verte, and including both banks of the River St. John. 
A further step in the promotion of the settlement is referred 
to in Mercure's letter to Governor Carleton, given below in 

Madawaska, 15th September, 1786. 
May it Please Your Excellency: 

As it appears that there are here several young people 
from the age of sixteen to twenty-five years who desire to 
have lands at this place, I pray your Excellency to give me 
permission to allot them lands in like manner as to fathers 
of families, on condition that they cultivate them — and to 
be informed by your Excellency whether I may have permis- 
sion to assign lands to those who desire to settle here and 
are coming from Canada. In favouring me with a reply as 
soon as convenient you will much oblige one who has the 
honour to be, 

Your Excellency's very humble and very obedient servant, 

Louis Mercure. 

An order of survey was issued by the Governor in Council 
in 1787, and the lots were laid out by Surveyor-General 
Sproul on both sides of the St. John, from the mouth of the 
Madawaska to River Verte, a distance of nine or ten miles. 
The grant, however, was not made until October 1, 1790. 

That the government of New Brunswick was desirous of 
doing justice to all concerned in the settlement seems evident 
from the letter of Provincial Secretary Odell to Surveyor- 
General Sproul which follows. 

Fredericton, 14th July, 1787. 

Dear Sir, — When I met you on your way to the Upper 
regions I forgot to mention the settlement forming at Mada- 
waska by a number of French people, partly from this neigh- 


bourhood and partly from Canada. They have in general terms 
been directed to settle themselves in the most convenient man- 
ner, so as not to incommode one another, and in particular so 
as not to interfere with improvements made prior to their re- 
spective settlements. 

A license of occupation was given to a number of these 
people, whose beginning of cultivation and allotment were 
reported by Lewis Mercure — and these had a promise of 
a grant as soon as a regular survey could be obtained of the 
lands — at the same time I apprehend that those who have 
made or are making settlements in that district, though not 
named in the License of Occupation, are not less entitled to 
the protection of government. 

I take this opportunity (as I have not the means at 
present to get an Order in Council on the subject) to recom- 
mend it to you, while you are on the spot, to direct your 
deputy or, if necessary, to authorize some disinterested person, 
in whom you can confide, to make such a survey as you may 
find equitable, and such as you can return to be laid before 
the Governor in Council, in order to. prepare the way for 
confirming each man by a grant of the land to which he 
may be found fairly intitled. 

I the rather take this liberty, which I am sure you will 
forgive, because I find reason to suspect there has been some 
little maneuvring on the part of my friend Louis Mercure 
and others among the settlers to obtain allotments fronting 
on the River in such direction as to take in ground actually 
in possession and in some degree improved by earlier adven- 
turers in that quarter. 

You will perceive that I write in haste, but your own 
observation on the spot will enable you to fix everything 
with impartial precision. 

I am, dear sir, 

Your faithful friend and humble servant, 

Jonathan Odell. 

That the New Brunswick authorities continued to follow 
with interest the progress of this settlement is evident from 
Governor Carleton's official correspondence. Writing to Lord 
Granville, under date October 1st, 1790, the Governor 

"Many settlers within the last three or four years have made 
flourishing settlements upon lands lying on the upper parts of 
the River Saint John, and which till then had remained alto- 


gether in a wilderness state. The uppermost of these settle- 
ments has been made by a number of Acadian families who, 
having sold the small tracts on which they had formerly resided 
in several parts of the province, petitioned for allotments on the 
River Saint John, about thirty miles above the Great Falls and 
a little below the entrance of the River Madawaska, where a 
tract of 16,000 acres has accordingly been surveyed and laid out 
for them, and the greater part of it has already been granted in 
lots of 200 acres each to no less than fifty persons, mostly heads 
of families, who are actually settled on their lands and have 
made considerable progress in cultivation and improvement. 

These Acadians finding the district wherein they are 
settled had been lately supposed to fall within the limits of 
the province of Quebec, have applied to me, by memorial, 
expressing their concern at this suggestion and praying to 
be continued within the jurisdiction and under the protection 
of this government. On this occasion therefore I beg leave 
to say that I think it would be highly inexpedient to break 
the chain of settlements now forming on the River Saint John 
by placing them under different jurisdictions, especially as 
their local situation gives them all a much greater facility 
of communication with the seat of Government here than 
they would have with Quebec." 

We shall not in this introduction follow further the story 
of the founding of the Madawaska settlement. A few words 
may, however, be devoted to Thomas Costin, the first resident 
magistrate. Mr. Costin's father, John Frederic Costin, was 
a native of Scotland, and by trade a shipbuilder. His wife 
Annah Smythe, it is said, was a native of the Duchy of 
Hanover. The elder Costin and his wife came to Nova 
Scotia about 1765. Their son Thomas was born on the 
voyage. After he had attained his early manhood he went 
to Quebec to learn French. He lodged with one Jean Baptiste 
Chamard, whose daughter Marie Anne he subsequently 
married. An agreement was entered into that the children 
should be brought up in their mother's religious faith.* He 
was settled at Madawaska in 1790, where he prepared quite 
a number of memorials for grants of land for a number of 

*The parish priest writes in the baptismal register. "II donne pleine et entiere liberte a sa 
femme, qui est Romaine de religion, de suivre et pratiquer les enseignements de sa religion" 
and to this Costin signs his name. 


persons, chiefly Acadians, who wished to settle on the Upper 
St. John below the River Verte. It seems probable that he 
came to Fredericton as their agent. Realizing that he might 
be useful, he was early in 1791 appointed a justice of the 
peace by the New Brunswick government.* 

In a letter written to Provincial Secretary Odell and dated 
at "Madowiska, County of York, March 24, 1791," Mr. Costin 

This place, being a great distance from the seat of govern- 
ment, serves to numbers of straglers as a place of retirance 
and whenever those gentlemen hear that the judges of the 
court of Quebec is a coming down in the lower parishes of 
Canada they desert to this place and ingages themselves to 
the settlers for some time, and whenever they get in debt 
they return to Canada. These people commits divers misde- 
meanors and hurts this place very much, and if in case here- 
after complaints should be made to me by the settlers request- 
ing to receive their debts, or to see such stragglers stopt 
from leaving this Province I wish to know how to act. Like- 
in what way could I stop such people as would commit 
theft, if there is no house of security in which to confine 

Since my arrival two young men hath deserted from 
Canada, one named Joseph .... hath committed 
divers misdemeanors and hath advised the settlers to be 
disobedient to his Majesty's orders. The same has been 
brought to me. Therefore these things should be examined 
as the Cadiens is a nation easily persuaded to anything, as 
we may compare to children. I would have made an example 
of such a person by confinement for his bad behaviour, if 
the commanding ofheert had been willing. But he hath not 
received any orders from his Excellency to receive any Prisoner 

From the very date of my commission I will execute 
the law and will not suffer on any account any bad speech 
or ways, which is customarily executed [commonly exists] 
at this place. If a man walks in the fear of God he will be 
Loved by every one. 

*Lieut.-Governor Carleton wrote to Lord Dundas that when Mr. Costin was appointed a 
Justice of the Peace for Madawaska, he was made choice of not as a person supposed to be 
duly qualified, but as the only person in the district who was not precluded by religious 
scruples from taking the oaths by law required, and who besides could even read and write. 

tThe officer in command of the military post at Grand Falls. 


"I hope you will consider the within and grant me your 
good advice by the first post with regard to the House of 

Costin seems to have been very anxious to do his duty, 
but in the case of the imprisonment of Jacques Cyr, at the 
military post at Grand Falls,* his zeal outran his discretion, 
and the incident led to an inquiry on the part of the English 
Secretary of State. Governor Carleton, however, made a 
favourable representation in his behalf, admitting that his 
action was irregular but that his intentions were good. 
Carleton on more than one occasion asserts that the Acadians 
of Madawaska had shown, at all times, a decided predilection 
to be included under his jurisdiction. This sentiment, how- 
ever, was not unanimous. In a quaintly worded letter f to 
Edward Winslow, written at Madawaska, July 2nd, 1792, 
Mr. Costin says that upon his appointment as magistrate 
"there was numbers rose against me and would have this 
place to belong to the Province of Canada." He expresses 
his satisfaction that their efforts had failed, and that the 
place was now contented under New Brunswick jurisdiction. 
In his letter Costin mentions the arrival of the Rev. Joseph 
Paquet, the first resident missionary appointed by the Bishop 
of Quebec. He speaks of him as a worthy gentleman who 
has the welfare of the place much at heart. He requests 
Colonel Winslow to use his influence at the Council board 
to obtain a grant for Mr. Paquet in consideration of his 
acting as missionary and teacher to the Indians, adding, 
"I am sensible that he will make it his duty to civilise the 
Indian nation and a better preacher cannot be expected for 
our district." Joseph Daigle, who seems to have been a 
man of some consequence in the settlement, was the bearer 
of Costin's letter and of Paquet's petition to the Governor. 
Costin was at this time clerk for the district and he requests 
Winslow to inform him whether the place had been constituted 
a parish and what his duties are as clerk. In his letter he says 
that the inhabitants had undertaken the construction of a 

*See page 372. 

tSee Winslow Papers, p. 394. 


road along the St. John from Green River to the Madawaska 
River. Costin in his capacity as a magistrate sometimes 
attended the Quarter Sessions of the Peace at Fredericton. 

On September 17, 1796, the Provincial Secretary wrote 
to Joseph Daigle requesting him to notify the people of 
Madawaska that His Excellency had been pleased to dismiss 
Thomas Costin from the office of a Justice of the Peace. 
The reason for this does not appear. Colonel Winslow 
continued his friend and, in April, 1799, established him at 
Kingswood, in the environs of Fredericton as a school teacher. 
Winslow's children attended his school and received instruction 
in French, as well as in the ordinary branches of education, 
for which their father paid the sum of fifty dollars a year. 
He afterwards taught school in Fredericton where we find 
him in 1804. In 1807 he was teaching at a place called 
Hamomashoe in Quebec. He died at Fraserville in that 
province, October 10, 1833. His descendants are to be 
found today in the Province of Quebec. 

Edward Kavanagh was born at Damariscotta Mills in 
Maine, April 27th, 1795. His father, James Kavanagh, 
came from Wexford County, in Ireland, to Boston in 1780. 
He married Sarah Jackson of Boston. Removing to Damaris- 
cotta Mills, he engaged in lumbering and shipbuilding, and 
accumulated some property. His son Edward was educated 
at the Jesuit College in Montreal and in Georgetown, D. C, 
graduating subsequently at St. Mary's College, Baltimore, 
at the age of eighteen. He studied law and took up his 
residence at Newcastle, Maine. He soon became prominent 
in town affairs, was a selectman in 1824, and in 1826 was 
elected a representative in the state legislature. In 1830 
he was Secretary of the Senate. 

In 1831 he was appointed, with John G. Deane, to visit 
and report upon the condition of settlement of the "disputed 
territory," on the head waters of the River St. John and its 
tributaries. This necessitated a long and toilsome journey 
through the wilderness, the details of which will be found 


in the report which follows. The report was prepared by 
Mr. Kavanagh and the original is in his handwriting. It shows 
him to have been a man of ability and education. 

In politics Kavanagh was a democrat, and in religion, 
a Roman Catholic. He was a member of the national 
house of representatives from 1831 to 1834, when he was 
appointed by President Jackson Charge d 'affairs of the United 
States at Libson, a position for which his education, ability, 
religious faith and previous continental travel thoroughly 
qualified him. Through his efforts a treaty of commerce 
and navigation between the United States and Portugal was 
concluded. He resigned his position on account of ill health 
and returned home. 

In 1842 he was chairman of the joint committee of both 
houses of the Maine state legislature to which the long con- 
tested boundary question was referred, and he was one of 
the commissioners at the final conference with the national 
authorities at Washington for determining the matter. The 
conference resulted in the adoption of the present boundary line 
as defined by the Webster-Ashburton Treaty. 

On the resignation of Governor Fairfield, March 7, 1843* 
to take a seat in the United States Senate, Mr. Kavanagh* 
as president of the senate, became the chief magistrate of 
his native state, discharging the duties with faithfulness and 
ability for the remainder of the term. He died while yet 
in the prime of life at his home in Newcastle, on January 
20, 1844. 

Moses Greenleaf in his interesting "Statistical View of the 
District of Maine," published at Boston in 1816, gives an excel- 
lent description of the country traversed by Deane and Kavan- 
agh in their tour of exploration. He outlines a scheme to reach 
the River Alligash, a southwestern branch of the Upper St. 
John, by the assistance of canals. In this way there would 
be continuous navigation between the head waters of the 
River St. John and the tide waters in Maine. One of the 
chief routes proposed by Greenleaf was that up the River 
Kennebeck to its source in Moosehead Lake, thence by a 


canal of about one and one-half miles into the west branch 
of the Penobscot, thence descending that stream to Chesun- 
cook Lake thence up the Umbazuckscus northeasterly to a 
small nond at its head. From this pond another canal, 
through low swampy land, of about one and one-half miles 
to Ponguangamook, or muddy pond, would give connection 
with the Alligash, there being from Ponguangamook a short 
and good passage into the large lake, generally regarded as the 
source of the Alligash. This lake bears the rather formidable 
Indian name of Ahpmoojeenegamook, now commonly called 
Chamberlain Lake. From this lake there is an excellent 
route of about sixty miles to the River St. John. 

We shall now proceed to give the report of Messrs. Deane 
and Kavanagh. The route of travel which they followed was 
probably not unfamiliar to Mr. Deane, who had explored 
the disputed territory about the year 1828 in company with 
Charles S. Davies. 

Report of Messrs. Deane and Kavanagh 

Report of John G. Deane and Edward Kavanagh, who were 
commissioned and acted under the Resolve and Instructions, 
which follow; 

State of Maine 

In council April 2nd 1831. 

Present the Governor, Samuel E. Smith, Esquire: Messrs 
Lane, Howard, Prince, Johnson, Emerson, Cobbs, Smith. 

John G. Deane of Ellsworth in the County of Hancock, 
and Edward Kavanagh of Newcastle in the County of Lincoln, 
Esquires, are, by the Governor with the advice of the Council, 
appointed to ascertain the number of persons settled on the 
public lands, North of the line running West from the Monu- 
ment, the manner in which they respectively hold the same 
Lands; under a Resolve of the Legislature, passed March 31, 
one thousand eight hundred and thirty one. 

By the Governor; 

[Signed] Roscoe G. Greene, Secretary of State. . 

new brunswick historical society 387 

State of Maine. 

Resolve in relation to persons settled on the public lands 
without title. 

Resolved, That the Governor with the advice of the Council 
be and hereby is requested to appoint some suitable person 
or persons to ascertain the number of persons settled on the 
public lands, North of the line running West from the Monu- 
ment, the manner is which they respectively hold the same, 
and to report all the facts, which will be for the interest of 
the State to enable them to adopt some mode of quieting the 
settlers in their possessions. 

Resolved, That the land Agent be and hereby is requested 
to give specific instructions to the person or persons appointed 
as aforesaid for their rule and government in fulfilling the 
requisitions of this Resolve. 

In the House of Representatives, March 31, 1831. Read 
and Passed. 

Bent. White, Speaker. 

In Senate, March 31, 1831. 
Read and Passsed. 

Robert P. Dunlap, President. 
March 31, 1831. Approved. 

Samuel E. Smith, [Governor]. 

As soon as we were notified of our appointments, a 
correspondence ensued and it was agreed between us to meet 
at Bangor on the 6th of July; but meeting afterwards in 
Boston, it was agreed, that Mr. Deane on his return to 
Bangor should see the land Agent and make the final arrange- 
ment for our meeting and departure from Bangor. Mr. 
Deane saw the land Agent and fixed on the 9th of July for 
our meeting; on which day we met at Bangor — and with 
all possible dispatch procured our supplies. On the eleventh 
we received the following instructions from the land Agent; 

Land Office at Bangor, July 11th, 1831. 
To John G. Deane & Edward Kavanagh, Esquires: 
Gentlemen, For the purpose of fulfilling the requirements 
of the "Resolve in relation to the persons settled on the public 
land without title passed March 31, 1831. You are requested 
and instructed to proceed by the way of Moosehead lake to 
Penobscot river and down that river to Chesuncook lake, 
and thence up to Umbazookskus to the portage between the 
Umbazookskus and Alligash lakes, and down the Alligash 


stream to the St. John river, and down the same to such settle- 
ments as you may find within the State of Maine on the St. 
John and Aroostook rivers and the waters and branches of 
the same.* You will obtain as far as you may information 
respecting the same. You will ascertain at what time and 
under what circumstances those settlements were commenced, 
and inquire by what authority the several individuals claim 
to hold the lands they occupy. If any persons claim under 
the color of title, you will inquire the origin and extent 
of such claims and whether the same is by grant, deed, lease, 
or other conveyance and from what authority the same is pre- 
tended to have been derived, at what time the conveyance was 
made, and at what time possession was obtained under the 
same. You will observe what improvements the several 
occupants have made on the land they claim and ascertain 
whether such improvements were made by the present occu- 
pants, or others to whom they have succeeded, by purchase, 
inheritance, or otherwise. You will, as far as practicable, 
ascertain the value of the land in the several settlements, and 
state what you consider to be the average value in cash. 
You will also ascertain whether the settlements are on the un- 
divided land owned by Massachusetts and Maine or on the 
land of either State, or of individuals, who claim under grants 
or purchases from either of said States. 

You will also ascertain what depredations and trespasses 
have been committed on the public lands of the State of 
Massachusetts and Maine or on the lands of either of said 
States, and the extent of said trespassing, at what time and 
by whom the same were committed, and whether the same 
was done under the pretext of authority from any grant, lic- 
ence, or permit, and, if so, from whom such pretented author- 
ity was claimed to be derived. 

In addition to the inquiries respecting the titles to the 
land it will be desirable that you shall obtain information 
respecting the Geography of the country. You will observe 
the lakes, ponds, rivers, and streams of water, the falls and 
mill sites on them and their capacity for navigation and for 
floating logs and timber. 

The Geology of the country as far as it may be observed 
by you will be noted. The soil and productions of the coun- 
try will require your attention, especially the pine and other 
valuable timber, and all things which in any way indicate 
the advantage of the country, or determine the value of the 

*The route laid down is readily traced on the accompanying plan. 

Co illustrate the Report 
of Deane and Kavanagh 

If 3 1 

in the Collections of 
The New Brunswick Historical a 

Society, Vol. M.pagc 3m 












v ~> 


\ o 





w W 


Van Buret. 

g-rani Falls 

les to I inch. 
056 Jd. 


A daily journal of your proceedings will be convenient in 
which may be noted whatever may be interesting, or calculated 
to impart information respecting the situation and value of 
the part of the State of Maine, North of the line running 
West from the Monument. 

You are requested to return to the land office a copy of 
your journal with such other information as you may deem 
interesting respecting the country through which you may 

[Signed] Daniel Rose, Land Agent of the State of Maine. 

Pursuant to the above instructions, Mr. Kavanagh left 
on the 11th and Mr. Deane on the 12th for Moosehead Lake 
where by previous arrangment we were to meet our boat and 
men. On the evening of the 13th of July we all arrived and 
met on the portage between Wilson stream* and Moosehead 
Lake. We were occupied in the forenoon of the 14th in 
getting our boat, baggage, and supplies to the lake, and 
embarked at noon. We proceeded up the lake to the barred 
Islands and encamped — A violent storm arose which detained 
us here until late in the afternoon of the next day — We 
proceeded up the lake and encamped under Kineo. The 
next day — the 16th — we rose at 2 o'clock a. m., and pro- 
ceeded up the lake, endeavoring at the mouth of Moose river 
and also under the bluff of Kineo to take some trout, but 
without success. We arrived at the head of the lake at noon. 
Here the water is shoal and the land flat and swampy. It 
was difficult to find a place dry enough to encamp on. 

Here we were obliged to send our boat down the lake to 
bring up the supplies which neither our boat nor Mr. Bernard's 
dared to take up the first time in consequence of the wind and 
approaching storm. One of our men and one of Mr. Bern- 
ard's went down the lake with the boat for the articles which 
had been left at the foot of the lake. 

July 17th. Sunday. The Men were not inclined to work. 

July 18th. Both parties commenced carrying over the 
provisions and baggage. The boat arrived and was carried 
half way over that day. Our boats were made too heavy 
and required three men to carry them. 

July 19. We succeeded in getting the boats, provisions, 
and baggage over and encamped on the bank of the Penob- 
scot. This portage is very bad, land low and swampy, and 
the path crooked and filled with windfalls. The fatigue 

*A branch of the Penobscot two miles from Moosehead Lake. 


was great to all, though the portage was little more than 
two miles. 

July 20. We embarked on the Penobscot and found the 
river very high, swollen by tne rains which had fallen every 
day after our embarkation on the lake. The general course 
of the river from the portage to Chesuncook lake is Northeast. 
At the North Western part of the lake, near where we entered 
it. some person had felled several acres of trees on the undi- 
vided land North of the Monument line. We crossed the 
Northern end of the lake and entered Kekuaguamook river 
which we ascended about half a mile, thence up the Umbaz- 
ookskus to the lake of the same name and crossed the lower 
end of it and encamped on the North shore in a growth of 

July 21. In the morning we commenced carrying over 
the portage to our boat, provisions and baggage and had 
everything across and embarked on the Ponguangamook or 
muddy pond at 3 p. m. This is a lake at the head of the 
river Alligash, a branch of the St. John. It is very shoal 
and muddy and properly named. The portage is about one 
and a half miles, land low and most of it a swamp. We 
crossed the lake about 2 miles and entered the outlet and 
descended to the next lake, which we entered on the South 
side about one third of its length from .the East end. We 
crossed the lake steering nearly north about six miles and 
found the outlet on the North side, which we entered and 
descended the rapids to the still water about one and an half 
miles where we encamped, We passed an Island where 
there is sufficient fall for a mill and a good chance to build 
a dam. The outlet of this' lake is large which shows that 
there are large streams flowing into it. The Indian name for 
the lake is Bram-che-wan-ga-mo,t and is the largest lake on 
the Alligash, being fifteen or sixteen miles long by two or 
three broad. White hunters call it Moose pond. 

July 22. Embarked and soon entered the Pon-goe-wa-ham 
pond, the Walagas-que-go-mook pond J and to the foot of 
another pond where the river is rocky and rapid for a mile 
and a half. Here there is sufficient fall for a mill privilege 

*Thoreau, who crossed the portage here in 1857, says, "I would not have missed that 
walk for a good deal. If you want an exact receipt for making such a road, take one part 
Mud Pond, and dilute it with equal parts of Umbazookskus and Aphmoojeenegamook; then 
send a family of musquash through to locate it, look after the grades and culverts and let 
a hurricane follow to do the fencing.' 

tXow known as Chamberlain Lake. 

JThe two ponds above mentioned are now called Eagle and Churchill lakes. 


and the bed of the river and the shores offer facilities for 
a mill dam. We descended the river eight or ten miles and 
entered the Unsaskick lake and encamped. The land on 
the Western side of the lakes is hilly and we could distinctly 
hear a water-fall, from the sound of which and the formation 
of the land we judged it was sufficient for a mill. 

July 23. Embarked and proceeded through the Unsaskick 
lake and after running down several miles came to the Patagu- 
angomios pond, four or five miles below which a large river 
entered from the South-East. At the mouth of this river 
the Alligash is much enlarged and continues so to its mouth. 
About three miles above the falls there is an enlargement of 
the river which is filled with small islands. We counted 
eighteen but were satisfied that we did not count all. Three 
quarters of a mile below the Islands, are the falls. Here is 
a portage of thirty or forty rods, being the only portage we 
made with our boats on this river. The fall is fifteen or 
twenty feet* and is a good mill privilege. We descended 
the river five or six miles and encamped. It commenced 
raining before we encamped and rained until six the next 

July 24. Sunday. We descended the river and entered 
the St. John and descended that river to the mouth of the 
St. Francis. Opposite the mouth of the St. Francis on the 
South bank of the St. John there is a small tract of land 
partially cleared. Crops have been raised upon it, and there 
is also on it the walls of a timber house. W r e landed on it 
and cooked our dinner. We found growing on the land, weeds, 
raspberry bushes, Timothy, oats, oat-grass, worm-wood, 
nettles, parsnips, and potatoes all growing wild and promis- 
cuously. David and Reuben Essensa cut down about three 
acres of trees on the lot in 1826. Joseph Wild claimed the 
lot in 1S27. Cyrus Cannon cleared and took the first crop 
in 1S28, and James McPherson took the crops in 1829 and 
1830 and now claims it; but nothing has been done on the 
lot this year. Next lot — Thomas Ketch felled two acres 
cf trees in 1828, David Pollard planted potatoes on it last 
year, and it is now unoccupied. On the next lot some trees 
were cut four years ago by Franklin Hale, but he never 
cleared or planted it. 

Some w T ay below, Ow r en Fitzgerald in 1829 cut down some 
trees but did not clear the land. Near this place and prob- 
ably on the same lot Jesse Wheelock and Walter Powers 
began cutting in August 1830, built a log house where they 

*Bailey in his "St. John River, p. 26, says nearly thirty feet, which is probably an 


lived last winter, and now have crops growing on the land. 
Here is a small stream on which they propose building mills, 
and are making some preparations for that purpose. The 
Stream is too small to be valuable. We arrived at John 
Harford's on the North bank of the St. John at five p. m., 
where we stopped. Harford's is six or seven miles below 
the mouth of the St. Francis. Below the falls on the Alligash 
we discovered that about eighty pine tree i had been lately 
cut and taken away; were cut by three men from the prov- 
ince of New Brunswick and made 150 tons of timber as we 
were afterwards informed. 

July 25. On the north bank of the St. John, Augustine 
Webster claims the first possession; has been improving the 
land for three years. He purchased of Jesse Wheelock, who 
purchased of John Baker, who purchased of John Harford, 
Junior, who had cleared seven or eight acres. 

The next possession on the North Bank is claimed and 
occupied by John Harford and his son, Phinehas Randall 
Harford. John Harford says that he began on the lot in 
1816. He also says that he began to clear at Madawaska 
point in 1815 and was encouraged to do so by Simon Hebert. 
He cleared two acres, built a log house, and remained there 
during the year, but at length was driven away by Simon 
Hebert and the Indians. Hebert refused to pay him any 
thing for his improvements and now has the lot in possession. 
We were subsequently informed that Harford had sold his 
claim to John Baker. The next possession on the North 
bank is Phirmain Cyr's. He bought 120 rods front of John 
Harford five years ago and paid him $100. Harford had cut 
down about one acre on the lot. Cyr lives on the South 
side of the St. John nearly opposite the Madawaska Church,* 
purchased the lot for his three sons and now has a tenent 
on it by the name of Charles Ouillette. Cyr began his 
improvements in 1828. Next, North Bank, is claimed by 
Phirmain Thibedeau, who purchased of Stephen Groves. 
Groves begun on the lot in the fall of 1828, cleared eight 
acres and built an house. Next, north bank, is claimed 
by Dennis Smith, who began in 1829, has six acres cleared 
and a house in which he lives. 

Next, North Bank, is claimed by Thomas Kenney, a 
Canadian, began in November 1829. He purchased of 
Jonathan Cyr, who had made a possessory chopping according 
to a custom in this settlement in 1823. Kenney has a house 
on the lot, but now lives below in the house of the late 
James Bacon, and tends John Baker's grist-mill. 

♦St. Basile. 


Next, North Bank, is claimed by Philip Long, who is 
reported to have escaped to the British with an American 
mail during the Revolution and has since and until a few 
years ago been employed carrying the English mail from 
Fredericton to Quebec. He began on the lot in 1828 and now 
resides there. Next, North Bank, is claimed by Marmosie 
Long, who began in 1828. Next, North Bank, is claimed 
by George Long, who began in 1828. The last are the sons 
of Philip and reside on the land. 

Next, North Bank, is claimed by Menard Cheminard 
(a Canadian). He began in 1830, has a house and lives on 
the land. 

Next, North Bank, is claimed by Louis Nadeau (born in 
Madawaska). He began in 1829, has five acres cleared and 
in crops, but resides below. 

Next, North Bank, three or four acres were chopped down 
in 1S29 by Thomas Pollock (a Scotchman) who left and moved 
to the river DeLoup. 

Now we renew our account of settlements to the South 
bank of the St. John. 

Next, South Bank, below Jesse Wheelock and Walter 
Powers, is claimed and occupied by Charles McPherson 
(born in Portland). This is opposite to Augustine Webster's 
and John Harford's. Phinehas R. Harford cut down and built 
a small house on the lot in the fall of 1827, sold it to Chas. 
McPherson in the winter of 1829, for two months and eight 
days labor, who then entered and resided on the land since. 

Next, South Bank, is forest. 

Next, South Bank, is a clearing and a house but is unoccu- 
pied. Owen Fitzgerald took up the lot three or four years ago, 
and sold it, as we are informed, and has left the country. 

Next, South Bank, is claimed and occupied by John Har- 
ford, Junior, who began, as he informed us, August 3, 1827. 
He claims 100 rods front. 

Next, South Bank, is occupied by Electus Oakes (born in 
Canaan). He began in July 1827. We were informed that 
he had sold his possession. This place is opposite to the 
East end of Churchill Island. 

Next, South Bank, is claimed and occupied by Abraham 
Chamberlain (born at the Bay of Chaleur). He began in 
the fall of 1828. 

Next, South bank, is a possessory cutting made as we 
were informed by Pierre Marquis, who lives below. 


We met Phirmain Cyr, who informed us, that he lives on 
the south bank opposite to the Church, is fifty-three years of 
iul was born in the province of New Brunswick. He 
purchased the place where he lives of Phirmain Cyr twenty 
wars ago, 60 rods front and 600 rods back. He has a 
deed and the land was conveyed to his grantor by the British. 

Next, South Bank, to Pierre Marquis' cutting there are 
high banks and the land unoccupied for about two miles. 

Next, South Bank, is a possession in the occupation of 
Isaac Yearnton (an Englishman) who began on it in August 

Next, South Bank, is a possession in the occupation of 
Joseph Wilols (born in Fredericton) . He began on the land 
in August 1828. 

Xext, South Bank, Miles Emery took up the lot seven 
years ago and cut down a few trees. Two years ago, sold 
to Joseph Michaud for $20.00. Michaud lives below, but now 
improves the land, and claims forty rods front. There is 
a tract of about two miles, which is not occupied by anyone 
between Wilds and Michaud 's possessions. 

Xext, South Bank, and on the West point formed by the 
St. John and Fish Rivers, is a clearing and possession of 
Sifroy Nadeau. He was born at Madawaska, is now 25 
years old, and lives with his father-in-law Joseph Michaud. 
He took up the lot in 1821 and has marked 60 rods front. 

Next, South Bank and on the East point formed by the 
St. John and Fish rivers, is a clearing and possession of 
John Baptiste D'Aigle, who began in 1819. He lives below 
and claims other lots. One which he bought of Joseph 
Peltier 15 or 16 years ago on the South side of the St. John. 
Front 30 rods. Another lot which was taken up by a man 
called the Apostate 16 years ago, and improved it for two 
years when he quit and gave it to Michel Morin. It remain- 
ed vacant for years and then Morin gave it to him, and he has 
had it in possession ever since. We landed below the mouth 
of Fish River and went up two miles by land to Daniel 
Savage's. He lives in a framed house. The Peter's (or 
Peters, Wilmot and Co.)* inhabitants of New Brunswick, 
employed Savage and one Walker in 1826 or 1827 to build 

*The firm of Peters & Wilmot had for yea.s the largest lumbering business on the 
St. John River. Their headquarters was a few miles below the mouth of the Tobique, 
at a place known as the "Concern Place," near the Tobique Rocks. William Wilmot, one 
of the firm, was father of L. A. Wilmot Lieutenant-Governor of New Brunswick. The 
other members of the firm were William and Samuel Peters. The firm failed in business 
in 1828. It was the pioneer company to operate on the Upper St. John. 


a double saw mill on the lot for them, which they built. 
They received a part of their pay, but the contractors failing, 
they held on to the mill. Savage has since sold his right 
to Nathaniel Bartlett. The mill and lot are now occupied 
by Savage. About half a mile below the mill Bartlett 
began a lot in 1827, which he has continued to cultivate 
ever since. We dined, left Savage's and returned to our boat. 

Two miles below the mouth of Fish river Benoni Albert 
has a possession. He commenced in 1829. 

Next, South Bank, is in the occupation of Hypolite Couffre 
(born at the Bay of Chalar). He commenced clearing the 
land June 1st, 1824, and claims 100 rods front. 

Next, South Bank, is a possession of Sly van D'Aigle. 
He took up the lot 12 years ago and claims 60 rods front. 
Planted on it 10 years ago, and is now said to be only 23 years 

Next, South Bank, is a possession of Joseph D'Aigle. He 
took up the land 12 years since and claims 60 rods front, has 
cut down some but has not burnt it. One and a half years 
ago he purchased 20 rods front of Basil Gamier and paid 
him $20.00. D'Aigle is said to be 30 years old. 

Next, South Bank, is a possession of Larion D'Aigle. He 
bought it, 20 rods front, of Basil Gamier, who purchased of 
Joseph Michaud who had planted on the land four years before. 

Next, South Bank, is a possession of Thomas Barnabe, 
which he purchased of Christople Marquis. 

Next, South Bank, is a possession of Christople Marquis. 

Next, South Bank is a possession of Thomas Ready (born 
in Canada). He began in 1829. 

Next, South Bank, is a possession of Antoine Gamier 
(from New Brunswick). He began in April 1831. 

July 26. We now resume the account of possessions on 
the North Bank of the St. John. 

Next below the cutting made by Thomas Pollock is a 
possession of Joseph Peltier Jun. He began in 1828 and lives 
below on the South side of the river. 

Next, North bank, is a possessory chopping made this 
year by Joseph Peltier. He is an old settler, formerly came 
from Canada. 

Next, North bank, is a possessory chopping made this year. 

Next, North bank, is a possession occupied by Pierre 
Landrie (born in Canada) who began and moved on the land 
this vear. 


Next, North bank, is occupied by Gabriel Dubez, (from 
Canada). He began this year, lives on the land, but has 
nothing planted. 

Next, North bank, is a possession of Jeremie Souci, who 
lives below on the South side. 

Next, North bank, is a possession of Joseph Terrieau 
(from Canada). He began in 1829. 

Next, North bank, is a possession in the occupation of 
Abraham Dubez (from Canada). He began in 1829 and 
lives on the land. 

Next, North bank, is a possession in the occupation of 
Prudent & LeBlanc Guimant (two brother from Canada). 
They began in 1830, and live on the the land. 

Next, North bank, is a possession in the occupation of 
Charles Beaupre (from Canada). He began in 1830 and lives 
on the land. 

Next, North bank, is a possession in the occupation of 
Alexandre Ouillette (from Canada). He began in 1829, and 
lives on the land. 

Next, North bank, is a possession of Amos Maddocks, who 
is now resident at Savage's mills on Fish river. Stephen 
Groves took up the place in 1826, sold it to Owen Fitzgerald 
and he to Maddocks. Maddocks has had the place two 
years and claims 90 rods front. 

Next, North bank, is a possession in the occupation of 
Nathaniel Bartlett, the same who claims a lot on Fish river 
and a part of the mill at Savage's. He purchased fifty rods 
front of John Baker and ten rods front of Amos Maddocks. 
The land has been cleared five years, Bartlett is married, 
and tends Baker's saw mill. 

Next, North bank, is a possession in the occupation of 
John Baker. He began on the land in 1823. 

Next, North bank, is the hundred acre lot John Baker 
owns, which he purchased of the State of Maine and Massa- 
chusetts. Baker claims a lot up the Marirumpticook,* on 
which he began in 1826. He has cleared seven acres on 
the lot, which is now in mowing. He also claims an island 
in the St. John containing about three acres chiefly in mowing. 
The clearing was commenced in 1828. 

John Baker says that John Harford, in 1817, cleared the 
West point at the mouth of the Madawaska river and lived 
there one year. Baker purchased the improvements of 
Harford before witnesses, and sent Walter Powers to work on 
the land. 

♦Now called Baker Brook. 


John Baker says Cyrus Cannon, who came from New 
Hampshire, owns the small clearing opposite to the mouth of 
the St. Francis, on the South bank of the St. John which is 
claimed by McPherson, and that when Cannon went away 
he left it in the hands of Baker. Cannon and McPherson 
bought the place when only a few trees were cut down for 
two thousand of long shingles. Cannon left more than one 
year since, said he should come back when the line was 
settled, but it is uncertain whether he ever comes. 

Nathaniel Bartlett has a deed from Savage of one half 
of the double saw mill on Fish river dated Oct. 16, 1828 not 
acknowledged, as the deed describes it of all Savage's right and 
title. Bartlett supposes that Cotton Walker has the deed 
of the other half. Bartlett's actual claim is one half of one 
saw. The mill was built in 1825 or 1826 under a contract 
between Wm. Peters & Co., and Walker and Savage. Peters 
& Co., were to pay Walker and Savage £700 for building the 
mill, and during the building paid them £150 and occupied 
the mills one year, but failing to pay the balance, and failing 
in their business, conveyed by writing their interest in the 
mill to secure Walker and Savage on condition that Walker 
and Savage were to deliver up the notes, which they held 
against them and repay the £150. The mill has ever since 
been occupied by Savage and Bartlett to whom Savage 
conveyed his right as aforesaid. 

Next, North bank, is the lot conveyed to James Bacon in 
1825 by Maine and Massachusetts.* There are great improve- 
ments on the lot. He died last May and was the son of 
Timothy Bacon of Gorham. 

Next, North bank, is a possession in the occupation of 
Barnabas Hunnewell, born in Madison, county of Somerset. 
He purchased the house and possession by deed from Charles 
Stetson, who began in 1825. Hunnewell entered in Oct. 1827, 
and has lived on the farm ever since, has thirty acres cleared 
and claims one hundred and sixty rods front. Hunnewellf 
also claims Sugar Island in the St. John a little below the 
mouth of the St. Francis. It contains 70 or 80 acres. A 
few acres have been partially cleared and a few potatoes were 
formerly planted on it. Some wild hay is cut on the Island, 
but no person has ever lived on it. 

Next, North bank, is a possession began in 1828 by Pierre 
Marquis of Madawaska, where he cleared 5 or 6 acres, and 

*This lot, it will be noticed, was on the New Brunswick, side of the River. Both 
James Bacon and John Baker calimed to hold their lands under jurisdiction of Maine. 
tBarnabas Hunnewell was living at Ormocto in 1823. 


built an house which was burnt last spring. There is a hovel, 
and crops growing upon the land. He has sold it to Phirmain 
D'Aigle, who Occupies a part of D'Aigle's Island. 

Next, North bank, is a possession, which Phirmain D'Aigle 
began in L829, and has cut down ten acres and cleared two 
or three, which are in grass. Claims 50 rods front. 

Next, North bank, is a possession of Basil Gamier of 
Madawasks. He began in 1827. Has cut down 12 or 14 
acres, 10 of which are in crops. Has a house and barn and 
lives on the land. 

Next, North bank, is a possession of Honore Chasse of 
Madawaska. He began in 1828. Has ten acres cleared, an 
house and barn, and lives on the land. Claims 50 rods front. 

Next, North bank, is a possession of Justin Alias Allister 
D'Aigle of Madawaska. He began in 1826, has 30 acres 
in crops, house and barn and lives on the land, claims also 
an Island, on w T hich he has improvements and a barn, 
between the Island claimed by John Baker and D'Aigle's 
Island. The place occupied by Justin D'Aigle is opposite 
to the low r er end of D'Aigle Island. 

Here we return to the South bank. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Baptiste Boucher, 
Canada. He began in 1826, has 30 acres in cultivation, house 
and barn and lives on the land. Claims 50 rods front. 

Next, South bank, is a chopping Pierre Landrie, Canada, 
purchased of Benoni Nadeau and paid him $15. Claims 
60 rods front. 

Next, South bank, Nathaniel Bartlett chopped down one 
acre in July 1831. 

Next, South bank, Barnabus Hunnewell began in 1830, and 
has cut down four acres. 

Next, South bank, is a possession claimed by Dominic 
D'Aigle, Madawaska. He began in 1828, has a barn on it 
and ten acres cleared and in grain. He lives below and has 
other possessions. 

Next, South bank, is a possession owned and occupied by 
Benoni Nadeau, Canada. He has lived 24 years in the coun- 
try, lived sometime as a tenant on the Priest's land, and in 
1824 began on the lot he now occupies, has 25 acres cleared 
and has a house and barn on the land. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Francois Gendreau, 
Canada. He bought of Desir Nadeau, who made a possessory 
cutting in 1826, is 20 years of age and lives with Dominic 
D'Aigle. Claims 60 rods front. 


Next, South bank, is a possession of Lareon D'Aigle, 
Madawaska. He began in 1S27, and has built a framed 
barn and cleared 60 acres of the land. He lives on D'Aigle's 
Island: Claims GO rods front. 

John Baker says the average crops in Madawaska are as 
follows : Wheat on new land 20 bushels to the acre, on ploughed 
land 20 bushels to the acre; Barley on burnt land from 
25 to 30 bushels to the acre, on ploughed land 25 to 30 bushel 
to the acre; Oats from 30 to 40 bushels to the acre; potatoes 
from 300 to 400 bushels to the acre; Hay 2 tons to the acre. 

Indian corn flourishes well most seasons. 

Apple trees appear to flourish well, though there are but 
few in the settlement. 

We had cucumbers on the table the 25th of July. John 
Baker says they picked cucumbers the 17th. 

The settlement above D'Aigles Island is called by the 
settlers the American Settlement.* 

Lareon D'Aigle lives on and occupies one third the West 
end of D'Aigle's Island. He began in 1810, and has cleared 
all his part. 

Phirmain D 'Aigle lives on and occupies the middle part of 
the D'Aigle's Island. He began in 1810, and has cleared all 
of his part. 

Dominic D'Aigle claims and improves the East end, one 
third, of D'Aigle's Island. He began in 1810, and has 
cleared all of his part; he resided on the Island until within 
a few years. In 1816 he begun on the South bank next to 
Lareon D'Algies' possession by a possessory cutting, eight 
years ago planted, and two years ago built a house and now 
lives on the land. He has 20 acres cleared, and 2 barns. 
He also claims by purchase the lot in possession by Electus 
Oakes, next to and adjoining John Harford, Jun. He paid 
Oakes $120 for it. 

Next, South bank, and adjoining Dominique D'Aigle's 
homestead is a possession of Chrysostome Martin, Madawaska. 
He bought 16 years ago of Simon Beaulieu, who had cut a 
few trees on it. Claims 50 rods front. Has cleared 50 
acres, which is in crops, grass, and pasturage. v Has a house 
and two barns. He also claims another lot on the North bank 
which he says he took up sixteen years ago, and has now 

*At this time some fifty lots had been taken up in the "American Settlement." 
Most of the settlers, however, had only been from one to three years in possession. 
Only six had been more than five years on their lands. The majority of the French 
settlers here were of Canadian origin. 


eight acres cleared. Claims 60 rods front. He also claims 
another possession up the river between possessions of Domini- 
que D'Aigle and Christophe Marquis. 35 rods front. Pur- 
chased last spring- of Christophe Marquis and paid him $35. 
Has cut this year 7 or 8 acres which is ready to burn. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Jean Baptiste D'Aigle, 
for a more particular account see a former page. His 
improvements are large. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Joseph Pelletier, 
Canada. He began 18 years ago and has lived on the lot 
ever since. Claims 30 rods front, has an house and barn and 
40 acres cleared. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Michael Pelletier,' who 
began 19 years ago, and died four years afterwards, leaving 
five children. His widow married Christophe Marquis. 
The land has been conveyed to two of Pelletier's daughters, 
Des Anges, who married Pierre Marquis and Locade who 
married Desir Nadeau. They have obligated themselves to 
support their Mother and Step-father. Claim 60 rods. There 
are an house and barn on the lot and 40 acres cleared. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Michel Morin, Canada. 
He began on the land 16 years ago. Claims 60 rods front. 
Has an house and barn and a large tract cleared. He also 
claims a possession on Fish river, which he purchased of 
Nathaniel Bartlett. Some trees have been cut down, but 
nothing planted. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Rafael Michaud,* 
Canada. He bought the place 4 years ago of Joseph Michaud, 
who had made a possessory cutting of an acre. Claims 30 
rods front has an house and barn and 40 acres of land cleared. 
He also claims 7/8ths of Pine Island, on which he and his 
brothers-in-law have sown fifty bushels of wheat this year. 
Has a barn on it and has had it in possession for 4 years. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Joseph D'Aigle, 
Madawaska. He purchased four and a half years ago of 
Charles Beaupre and paid him ,$100. and took his writing. 
Beaupre had previously purchased it of another person. When 
D'Aigle purchased, there was four acres in wheat and mowing. 
Claims 90 rods front. Has an house and barn and ten 
acres cleared. He also claims 8 acres on Pine Island, which 
be bought with the possession, but it is not cleared. 

♦Raphael Michaud was a captain in the militia of the province and kept a public 
house on the south side of the River below Baker's Mill Stream. He is mentioned under 
date July 29, farther on. 


July 28. Next, South bank, is a possession of Alexandre 
Giraud, Canada. He lives a mile below on the North bank, 
and has a farm. He purchased this possession last spring of 
Charles Beaupre who had sowed wheat on it two years 
before. Claims 30 rods front, and has five or six acres 

Next, South bank, is a possession Germain Saussiers, 
Canada. He purchased of Vincent Albert and John Peltier 
15 years ago. Paid one $60 and the other $15 and took their 
deed. He claims 60 rods front under each of them. Has an 
house and barn and 40 acres cleared. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Vincent Albert, 
Canada. Purchased fifteen years ago of Benjamin Boucher, 
who had began 2 years previously, and sown one bushel of 
wheat. Claims 60 rods front, has an house and barn and has 
twenty acres cleared. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Germain Saussiers, 
Canada. He began 18 years ago, and has lived on it ever 
since. Claims 60 rods front. Has an house and barn and 
thirty acres cleared. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Jean Baptiste Saussiers 
Canada. Had the possession of his brother 13 years ago. 
His brother had not made any clearing on the lot. He 
claims 60 rods front, has an house and barn and eight acres 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Herbert Carron, 
Canada. Purchased eight years ago of Paul Marquis, and paid 
him $20. There was, at the time of the sale, a little cut 
down on this lot. Claims 50 rods front, and an house and 
barn and fifty acres cleared. 

Next, South bank, the Chapel and lot 30 rods front in the 
Parish of St. Lucie.* 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Benjamin Boucher, 
Canada. Lives at the Grand Ruisseau (A brook) sufficient 
for a grist-mill. He purchased the possession of Jean Baptiste 
LeClerc 8 years ago and paid him $30. There was none 
cleared at the time. Claims 40 rods front, has an house and 
barn and thirty acres cleared. He sold 20 rods front to the 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Jean Rafael Roi, 
Canada. He purchased two years ago of Herbert Carron, 
and paid him $60. Carron had cleared and sown two bushels 
of wheat. Claims 20 rods front, has an house and barn and 
twelve acres cleared. 

*The place is now known as Frenchville. 


Next, South bank, is a possession of Germain Michaud, 
Canada. He purchased of Paul Marquis 9 years ago. There 
was a little cleared at the time. Claims 45 rods front, has an 
house and barn and thirty acres cleared. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Elie Lagasse, Canada. 
Purchased of Benjamin Boucher 18 years ago. Claims 60 
rods front, has an house and barn and 40 acres cleared. 
He claims a lot up Fish river, West side, which he took up 
with his brother Basil Lagasse, 4 years ago. Each claim 20 
rods front and have a few acres cleared. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Clement Saussiers, 
Canada. Purchased the lot of Simon Herbert 23 or 24 years 
ago and paid him $10. Herbert had purchased of Jacques 
Matelot. There was none cleared on the land at the time. 
Claims 105 rods front, has an house and two barns and sixty 
acres cleared. He also claims a lot up the river, North bank, 
between Joseph Pelletier, Jun., and Jean Vasseurs. Took 
up the lot this season, and has cut down some trees on it. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Ferdinand Ouellette, 
Canada. Purchased two years ago. Forty rods front of 
Clement Saussiers, and ten rods in front of Jean Baptiste 
Aiotte. About one acre was improved at that time. Clem- 
ent Saucier purchased the 40 rods front of Simon Herbert, and 
Aiotte purchased of Jean Baptiste Babin by deed. Ouellette 
has an house and barn and 40 acres of cleared land. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Jean Baptiste Aiotte, 
Madawaska. Purchased five years ago of Jean Baptiste 
Babin, 40 rods front, by deed and paid $100. Four acres 
were under improvement at the time of the purchase, and there 
was an house and barn and ten acres cleared. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Charles Aiotte, 
Madawaska, Purchased ten rods front and ten rods front 
by gift from his brother Jean Baptiste Aiotte. Has an house 
and barn and four or five acres cleared. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Joseph Albert, Canada. 
Purchased one and an half years ago last spring, by deed, 
of Pierre Gendreau, and paid him $72. When he purchased, 
five bushels of grain were sown on the land. Claims thirty 
rods front. Has an house and barn. The deed is dated 
Feb. Sth, 1830-. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Joseph Legasse, Jun., 
Canada. Purchased seven years ago of Joseph Joubert and 
paid him $25. When he purchased, here was a possessory 
chopping. Claims 40 rods front, and has eight acres cleared. 
He also claims an Island in front, which he has cleared and is 
now in grass. 


Next, South bank, is a possession of Rafael Martin, 
Madawaska. Purchased of Simonet Hebert about eight 
years ago, who had taken it up and had made a possessory 
chopping, but had not cleared any. Claims 70 rods front, 
and has an house and barn and 25 acres cleared. He also 
claims one tenth of the Island in front on which he has a 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Christophe Martin, 
Mcdawaska. Began on the lot 12 years ago. Claims 70 
reds front, has an house and barn and 20 acres of land cleared. 
He also claims one tenth of the Island in front. 

Xext, South bank, is a possession of Paschal Michaud, 
Ma^dawaska. His father began on the lot 18 years ago. The 
son now has it and is bound to support his father and mother. 
Claims 30 rods front, has a barn, and twenty-five acres cleared, 
but lives with his brother-in-law on the adjoining lot. He 
also claims one twentieth of the Island. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Alexandre Ouellette, 
Canada. On the same lot with his brother-in-law P. Michaud 
and is bound with him to support his father-in-law and 
mother-in-law. Claims 30 rods front, has an house and barn 
and 24 acres cleared. He also claims one twentieth of the 

Next, South bank is a possession of Benjamin Bourgoyne, 
Canada. Purchased 19 years ago of Benoni Terrieau. There 
were no improvements on the lot at that time. Claims 60 
rods front, has an house and barn and 15 acres of land cleared. 
He also claims one twentieth of the Island. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Joseph Michaud, 
Canada. Purchased 4 years ago of his brother Francis 
Michaud, by deed and paid him $300. There were no 
improvements on the lot at the time. Claims 25 rods front, 
has an house and barn and 30 acres of land. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Francois Michaud, 
Canada. Purchased the lot 7 or 8 years ago of his brother 
Germain Michaud and paid him one hundred and fifty dollars 
($150.). Germain, purchased of Paul Marquis, who purchased 
of Benj. Michaud, who purchased of Pierre Baudrie, who began 
on the lot. When Francis purchased there was 3 or 4 acres 
cleared, but no buildings. Claims 25 rods front, has an 
house and barn and 30 acres of land cleared. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Louis Bellefleure, 
Canada. Purchased 10 years ago of Germain Michaud, by 
deed and paid $150. Front 20 rods. Has an house and barn 
and 12 acres cleared. 


Next, South bank, is a possession of Benoni Manuel, 
Canada. Purchased 8 years ago of Germain Michaud, by deed 
and paid him $30. Claims 10 rods front, has an house and 
barn, and six acres cleared. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Jean Baptiste Boutin, 
Canada. Purchased 2 years ago of Clement Saussiers, and 
paid him $8. Saussiers purchased of his brother J. B. Saus- 
siers, who purchased of Joseph Marquis, who took up the lot. 
When Boutin purchased there was only a possessory cutting 
and marking. Claims 60 rods front, has ten acres cleared, 
no buildings, and lives below the old Church* on the North 
bank of the St. John. He claims also a back lot on which 
he began 4 years ago, and has 20 acres in crops, and claims 
60 rods width. 

Back of the lot and on the path to Simonet Hebert's is a 
possession of Joseph Ouellette, Canada. He began in 1828. 
Claims 60 rods width, has an house and barn and 20 acres 
in crops. 

Next on the river, South bank, is a possession of Joseph 
Chasse, Canada. He began in 1827. Here is a bend in the 
river and the lot terminated in a point on the bank. Has 
no buildings. 8 or 10 acres cleared, and lives with his father- 
in-law Eli Janette. 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Germain Chasse, 
Canada. He marked the lot 10 years ago, sowed wheat 5 
years ago, has an house, walls of a barn, and 15 or 16 acres 

Next, South bank, is a possession of Edward Eclaire, 
Canada. He exchanged a possession up and on the North bank 
of the river with Paul Marquis, who had marked this place 
three years before. Nothing was planted until this season. 
Paul Marquis, by the agreement, is to build Eclaire an house 
and barn. Claims 60 rods front, and has 7 or 8 acres cleared. 

Next, South bank is a possession of Francois Boulanger, 
Canada. He began recently, marked 40 rods front, and has 
cleared, and sown 7 bushels of grain this year. Lives on the 
North bank, and has taken up this lot for speculation. 

Next, South bank is a possession of Etienne Gagnon, 
Canada. He purchased this year 20 rods front of Aristobule 
Gouvain, and paid him $25. Gouvain said he had had the 
possession 3 or 4 years, and there was enough cleared to sow 
three bushels. Gouvain lives below on the South bank. 
He purchased also 30 rods front of Joseph Beaulieu, and paid 

*Saint Basile. 


him $50. Enough had been cleared to sow 4 bushels. Gagnon 
has his family on the place, and has the wall of an 
house. The family are sheltered from the weather by a few 
boards, which are laid over their heads. 

It commenced raining at 4 p. m. and at 5 we determined 
to seek shelter in the first public house, which was distant 
5 miles where we arrived at 6. p. m., and put up. Simonet 
Hebert* is the landlord. 

July 29. Our bill of fare was rancid pork, which we could 
not eat, very poor butter, tea and bread middling, and 
potatoes good, on which we made our meal. The bill we had 
to pay was extravagant, and we should advise travellers and 
such as have occasion to visit the country to seek a better 
place. Enough may be found. At John Baker's, Rafael 
Michaud's and Joseph Michaud'sf our fare was good and only 
half as dear. 

We proposed the same questions to Simonet Hebert which 
we had done to others, and which they had all readily 
answered. He asked many questions and the object of the 
mission was fully stated to him in French and English. 
We showed him the Resolve and Commissions under which 
we acted, and stated to him distinctly, that he must do as he 
pleased, he must act voluntarily, but if he gave no account 
of his claims, he must judge what effect it would have in the 
arrangements, which the States should adopt. We should 
not report his possessions. He asked us if those, who had 
deeds from the British would not hold their lands; we told 
him they would not on that account, and that the British 
deeds would be of no farther use than to shew the antiquity 
of the possession. He and his father, Simon Hebert, and his 
brother Joseph, have directly and indirectly been much 
favored by the British. 

Next, South bank to Etienne Gagnon's possession is a 
possession of Benjamin Lebel, Canada. He purchased of 
Simon Bernabe, three years before and had paid him $12. 
Bernabe had marked the place 4 years before, but had made 
no improvements. Lebel claims 30 rods front, has 3 or 4 
bushels of wheat sown, no buildings, and lives on the North 
bank, where he claims another possession. 

*Simonette Hebert was one of the most respectable and well-to-do farmers in Mada- 
waska. He lived a little below the mouth of the Madawaska on the south side of the 
River St. John. Jurors were sometimes summoned from that place to Woodstock and the 
Court was occasionally amused by the Crier calling in solemn tones, " Simon-eat-a-bear, " 
three times repeated as is the custom in summoning jurors to answer to their names. He 
was a man widely known in his day. 

tCaptain Joseph Michaud's house of entertainment was on the New Brunswick side 
of the River midway between the Madawaska and the Meriumpticook. 


Next, S. B. [South- bank] is a possession of Oliver Lagasse, 
Canada. He purchased of Jacques Boulet two years ago and 
he purchased of Abraham Couturier five years ago, and he 
purchased six years ago, of whom is uncertain. Claims 30 
rods front, and has 4 bushels of wheat sown, and no buildings. 
He is single man and is hired with Joseph Hebert. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Jean Suerette, Canada. 
He began 8 years ago. Claims 60 rods front, has an house 
and barn and twenty bushels of wheat sown. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of the Widow Simonet Barnabe, 
Madawaska. Her husband began about 8 years ago. Claims 
30 rods front, has no buildings, has 8 bushels of what sown 
and cuts 2 or 3 tons of hay, and lives on the north bank of 
the river. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Francis Picard, Canada. 
He purchased 3 years ago of Joseph Label and paid $150. 
Label before he sold had sown 15 bushels of grain. He claims 
30 rods front, has an house, but the land is now in pasture. 
Label lives down the river. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Joseph Laggase, Canada. 
He began on the lot 8 years ago. Claims 30 rods front, has 
an house and barn and 15 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Eugene De Sirois, Canada. 
A brother of the Priest. He purchased of Regis Terrieau 
2 years ago and paid him $50. Terrieau took up the lot. 
Claims 30 rods front, has 3 acres cleared, no buildings and 
lives with the Priest. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Leon Albert, Canada. He 
began 8 years ago. Claims 60 rods front, has an house and 
barn and 3 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Charlemagne Beurnache, 
Canada. He purchased of Leon Albert 3 years ago. Albert 
had taken up the lot 4 years previous. Claims 30 rods 
front, has an house and barn and enough cleared to sow 4 
bushels of grain. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Ignace Cleoette, Canada. 
He came 5 years ago. Claims 30 rods front, has an house 
and enough cleared to sow 2 bushels of grain. 

Next, S. B., is marked by Paul Picard, Canada. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Charles Bouchard, Canada. 
He purchased of Phirmain Nadeau and paid him $50. Claims 
60 rods front, has an house and barn and enough cleared to 
sow ten or twelve bushels of grain. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Antoine Sirois, Canada. 


He purchased of Francis Boulanger about 4 years ago. Claims 
30 rods front, has an house and barn and 4 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Vincent Pelletier, Canada. 
He began S years ago. Claims 80 rods front, has a barn, 
enough cleared to sow 10 or 12 bushels of grain, and lives 
at Alexandre Albert's, his father-in-law, on the North bank. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Pierre Ouellette, Canada. 
He began S years ago, claims 80 rods front, has an house, 
and enough cleared to sow 18 or 20 bushels of grain. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Simonet Hebert, Madawaska. 
Claims 20 rods front, has an house and 2 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Jacques Beaulieu, Canada. 
He exchanged his land in Canada for this. The man with 
whom he exchanged had purchased it of Joseph Beaulier and 
it was begun on or marked about 6 years ago, claims 30 rods 
front, has an old barn and 15 or 20 acres very imperfectly 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Justin Boulanger, Canada. 
He purchased of Francois Boulanger, and claims 15 rods front. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Andre L'Eveque, Canada. 
He claims 15 rods front. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Alexandre Albert, Canada. 
He began lately, claims 60 rods front, is building a small 
barn, and has 8 or 10 acres partially cleared. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Cassimir Albert, Canada. 
Lot little more than marked. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of David Dufour, Canada. 
The lot was taken up many years ago and was given him by 
Paul Morichaud, his father-in-law. Formerly there were a 
few acres cleared and a grist-mill was built on it, which was 
burnt down. There is a mill now on the lot out of repair 
and has not ground for 12 years. The stream is small. 
He lives below. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of which the claimant refused 
to give any account.* 

Next, S. B., is a possession nearly opposite to the mouth 
of Madawaska river, is claimed by Anselem Albert, Canada. 
He marked it for his children 20 years ago, claims 60 rods 
front, and has 18 acres cleared. He lives below. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of David Nadeau, Madawaska. 
He was brought up by Simon Hebert, who gave him the posses- 

*The occupants who refused information may have been cautioned by their neighbors 
the Hebeits or by magistrates Rice, Coomb js and MacLauchlan to keep clear of entang- 
lement with the American agents. 


sion, and he moved on 6 years ago. Claims 60 rods front, 
has an house and barn and 20 acres cleared. 

Back Lots. Joseph Beaulier, Canada, has began one and 
an half miles back, cut down 4 acres and has burnt it, claims 
a lot 40 rods wide. 

Elie Gagnon, Canada, has begun West and adjoining 
Beaulier, this year, and has cut down one acre. He is 18 
and lives with his father Etienne Gagnon. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of which the claimant refused 
to give any account. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of which the claimant refused 
to give any account. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Anselm Albert, Canada. 
He came here with his father, who purchased it 45 years 
ago of Augustin Dubez, who had it of the British.* He 
claims 50 rods front and 670 rods back, has an house and 
barn, and 40 acres cleared. There is a small stream and mill 
privilege on the lot. The privilege was sold some years 
since and a saw mill and grist-mill erected upon it. Simon 
Hebert owned it once, but refused with his sons, to give any 
account of it or let us know whether he or his family claimed 

Next, S. B., is a possession of which the man living on it 
refused to give any account. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of which the man living on it 
refused to give any account. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of which the man living on it 
refused to give any account. 

We called on Simon Hebert, we proposed the same questions 
to him as we had to others, showed him the Resolve and our 
Commissions and he refused to give any answers. We told 
him we did not wish to compel any man to answer, every 
other person except his son Simonet had answered freely, and 
he must judge for himself. We could not report anything as 
being claimed by him, and he must take the consequences. 
He presisted in refusing. His son Joseph Hebert was present 
and refused. Simon Hebert is very much in favor of the 
British and opposed to this State. He had been much 
favored by them, and has, by their aid, dispossessed several 
settlers, and he and his family are now enjoying the fruits of 
their labors. Whenever the settlers are quieted by the State, 
if ever, it is to be hoped, that such as have been unjustly 

*This is the first lot on the south side of the St. John in the grant made by th e 
Province of New Brunswick in 1790. The next lot was originally granted Pierre Lizotte 
and was sold by him to his half-brother Pierre Du Perre. 


dispossessed, will be restored, and that those persons, who are 
hostile, will not be promintly favored. Let them seek favor 
of the British of whom they would like better to receive it, than 
from us. 

The next, S. B., is a possession of David Dufour, Canada. 
30 rods front on which he has an house and barn and 40 
acres cleared, where he lives. He claims one do. 30 rods 
front next below Guilleaume Fournier's possession, 40 acres 
cleared and no buildings. One do. 30 rods front between 
Durepo's and Picard's on which there are 12 acres cleared. 
These lots with the mill above were given him by Paul 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Guilleaume Fourniers, 
Canada. He purchased of Francois Albert. Claims 30 rods 
front, has an house and barn and 60 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., to Dufours second lot is a possession of David 
Durepos, Canada. He occupies the lot which he thinks was 
granted by the British. He entered 12 years ago. Claims 
60 rods front, has a good house and barn, and has 40 acres 
cleared. He is the son-in-law of Simon Hebert. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Francois Picard, Canada. 
He purchased of Jean Baptiste Founier 4 years ago, by deed. 
Founier purchased 8 years before of Joseph Dufour. He does 
not know of whom Dufour purchased, but supposes that it was 
originally deeded by the British. He claims 35 rods front 
and supposes 560 rods back, has an house and barn and 
blacksmiths shop, and 40 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., is a possession of Chrysostome Cyr, Mada- 
waska. The possession was given him by his father Phirmain 
Cyr, to whom it was given by Francis Cyr, who is now alive 
and 80 years old, and was among the first settlers. He 
claims 45 rods front, and supposes 560 rods back, has an house 
and barn not quite finished, and 15 acres cleared. 

We then descended the river. Mr. Kavanagh called on 
the Priest and had half an hour's conversation with him.* 
We then went farther down to Pierre Lizotte's where we put 
up for the night. 

July 30. We left our men and boat at Pierre Lizotte's 
and travelled back. Nearly opposite to the old Church in 
the Parish of St. Basil, a path leads South to a back settle- 

The first possession is claimed by Charles Ouillette, Canada 
He supposes his claim commences fully 500 rods South of the 

*The priest, Rev. Jean Elie Sirois, seems not to have favored the Americans. See 
remarks undei date, August 9, supra. 


St. John. Claims 60 rods in width on the East side of the 
path or road. He begun last spring, has an house and one 
acre sown, and 15 acres cut down and ready to burn. Took 
up a lot 6 years ago on the North bank and sold it last year 
to Eugene Serois for SI 15. He says his father lives at 
Kamouraska and served 7 years in the American Revolu- 
tionary army. 

Next, East side of the road, is a possession claimed by 
Antoine Malte, Canada. He purchased last spring of Pierre 
Genet, who began two years ago and had cleared 3 or 4 acres, 
and paid him $15. Claims 60 rods width, has an house, 4 
acres planted and 6 cut down. 

Next, E. side, Joseph Mercure, Bay of Chaleur, purchased 
the possession 4 or 5 years ago of Paschal Michaud and paid 
him $50. 16 acres were cleared at that time. Claims 60 
rods width, has an house and barn and 36 acres cleared. 

West side of the road. 

Garcon L'Eveque Des Coignnette, Canada. He began 
4 or 5 years ago. Claims 15 rods in width, has an house 
and 6 acres cleared. 

Next, W. S., Phirmain Dumont, Canada, began 7-8 years 
ago. Claims 60 rods width, has an house and barn and 12 
acres cleared. 

Next, W. S., Quintin Yan, Canada, began 12 years ago. 
Claims 60 rods width, has an house and barn and 12 acres 

Next, W. S., Edward McKay, about 20 years old, Canada, 
began 5 or 6 years ago. Claims 60 rods width, is building 
an house, has sown 4 acres and cut down 12. Lives with 
his brother-in-law, Phirmain Dumont and supports his mother. 

Next, E. S., of the road Marcel Collin, Canada, began in 
1826. Claims 60 rods width, has 4 acres cut down and an house. 

Next, E. S., Francois Cluquier, Canada, began 4 or 5 
years ago. Has an house 3 or 4 acres cleared and 4 or 5 
cut down. 

Next, E. S., Joseph Mercure, Madawaska, who lives on 
the North bank of the St. John, began last year, claims 60 
rods width, has sowed 4 or 5 bushels of grain, has 50 acres 
cut down, is building a saw mill, and has an house or camp 
on the land. 

We now return to the South bank of the river St. John, 
and commence where we left off yesterday. 

South next to Chrysostome Cyr, Joseph Cyr, Madawaska, 
claims lot, land uncultivated. 


Next, S. B., Francois D'Aigle, Madawaska, claims a 
possession given to him by his father Francois D'Aigle, who 
had a deed from the British. Front 30 rods, has house and 
barn and 20 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Jean Baptiste Founier, Madawaska, lives with 
his father, who had a deed from the British, and claims the 
possession. 30 rods front, as we were informed. J. B. 
Founier was not at home and his wife declined giving us any 

Next, S. B., Joseph Dufour, Canada, claims a possession, 
which he purchased 15 years ago of Benoni Terrieau, who had 
purchased of Oliver Cyr, to whom the British had given a deed. 
He claims 25 rods front, has an house and barn and 60 acres 

Next, S. B., Sylvain D'Aigle, Madawaska, lives with and 
takes care of his father Joseph D'Aigle, who owns the posses- 
sion. It was conveyed to him by the British. They claim 
66 rods front, have an house and barn and 60 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Xavier Cyr, Madawaska, the son of Jacques 
Cyr, who had a deed of the British, claims half the possession, 
30 rods front, has an house and barn and 60 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Chrysostome Cyr, Madawaska, who is a 
brother of Xavier and we suppose claims the other half of 
the aforesaid possession. We called at the house, but the 
wife declined giving any account. 

Next, S. B., Jean Baptiste D'Aigle, French Village,* claims 
the possession. It was deeded by the British. Claims 30 rods 
front, has an house and barn, and 30 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Joseph Cyr, Madawaska, claims a possession 
given him by Francois Cyr, has an house and barn and 30 
acres cleared. See before as to the unoccupied lot. 

Next, S. B., Menin Cyr, Acadie, claims a possession, 30 
rods front he purchased of Phirmain, and 30 rods front which 
he purchased of Michael Michaud 15 years ago or more, has 
an house and barn, and has from 80 to 100 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Jean Baptiste Cyr, Acadie, claims a possession. 
Had a deed from the British. Claims 60 rods front and 
thinks there is 80 rods front, has an house and barn and 200 
acres cleared. One of his sons lives with him and the other 
on the back part of the lot. 

Next, S. B., Louis Gotte Bellefleure, Canada, claims a 
possession, which was deeded by the British. It was sold to 
Pierre Duperre and by him to Peter Frasier and by him to 

"Situate about nine miles above Fredericton. 


Bellefleure, who paid him $1000, has laid out $2000 on the 
place, has three houses, a grist and saw-mill; stream small; 70 
acres cleared and claims 70 rods front. He also claims a 
possession, S. B., opposite to the mouth of the Quisabus river, 
which he purchased by deed of Henri Tardif 12 years ago 
and paid him $50. Claims 20 rods front, six acres cleared, 
and no buildings. 

He also claims a possession on Green river, which he 
purchased by an exchange with Charles Bernabe. Exchange 
by deed. He claims 120 rods front, has a barn and sufficient 
cleared to sow 12 bushels of grain. 

Next, S. B., Simon Beaulieu, Acadie, owns the possession, 
his son Simon Jun., says his father purchased of Paul and 
Joseph Marquis, and he expects by a promise of his father to 
have the lot. The claim is 60 rods front. There is an house 
and barn and 70 acres cleared. The father tends the grist- 
mill, which stands back of Anselm Albert's. 

Next, S. B., Augustin Cyr, Madawaska, claims the posses- 
sion. He began 8 or 10 years ago. Claims 60 rods front, 
has an house and barn and 15 or 20 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Antoine Cyr Jun., Bay of Chaleur. He built 
the house in which Charles Patterson now lives. He came 
from the Bay of Chaleur 10 years ago, and was advised by 
Pierre Duperre to take up a lot which was unoccupied. In 
consequence of the advice he entered and built an house in 
the fall of the year. In the middle of the winter following, 
Simon Hebert went to Fredericton and procured a grant or 
authority to turn him out, and he was compelled by the 
exigency of t *e case to sell his last cow to John Baker to 
procure boards to furnish a temporary shelter for himself, 
wife and 9 children. The, lot had, some years before, been 
in the possession of Antoine Ouellette, but he had quit it. 
Simon Hebert had previously purchased the improvements, 
which had been made on the lot next below by Ambroisse 
Provot, who had removed 10 or more years before. Antoine 
Cyr has, since he was been deforced as aforesaid, purchased 
10 rods front of Thomas Beaulier who purchased of Simon 
Hebert, and has now an house, and has begun to build a barn 
and has 3 acres cleared. He is a constable, so are Dominque 
Bourgoyne, Jean Bourgoyne, and Michel Morin. 

Next, South bank, Thomas Beaulier, Bay of Chaleur, who 
lives on the lot or lots he purchased of Simon Hebert, which 
he procured as aforesaid. Has sold 10 rods front to Antoine 
Cyr and claims as the residue of his purchase 50 rods front, 
has an house and 10 acres cleared. He has been on the place 
9 years. 


Next, S. B., Charles Paterson lives in an house, which was 
built, and on a farm, which was cleared by Antoine Cyr, 
under a lease from Simon Hebert, which has nearly expired. 
He pays $10 by the year, rent. 

Next, S. B., Antoine Cyr Sen., had a grant from the Brit- 
ish of 70 rods front. Has sold 20 rods front to Simon Hebert 
in a scarce time of bread,* has an house and barn and 30 acres 

Next, S. B., Pierre Lisotte lives on a lot originally granted 
by the British in 1790, though it is not the lot granted to him, 
that having been sold to his half-brother Pierre Duperre. 
Claims 60 rods front, has an house and 2 barns and 80 acres 
cleared. His son Antoine has also an house on the same lot. 

July 31. Sunday. Went to Church, saw most of the 
leading inhabitants of the place, but they seemed to be under 
constraint in their civilities to us in consequence of the 
presence of the British Magistrate. 

Aug. 1st, Monday. 

Next, S. B., Joseph Cyr, son of Paul Cyr. This lot was 
deeded to Joseph Cyr, by the British, who has deceased, 
Joseph, the occupant, claims 60 rods front, has an house and 
barn and 50 acres cleared. He has also 10 rods front of 
land deeded to Joseph Soucif by the British, but he purchased 
it of Thomas Ouellette. 

Next, S. B., Phirmain Thibedeau claims 30 rods front, 
which he purchased of Jean Baptiste Souci, who purchased of 
Paul Cyr, who had a deed from the British, and has 30 acres 
cleared but no buildings. 

Next, S. B., Joseph Aiotte, Madawaska, claims 60 rods 
front originally deeded by the British to Francois Charette 
and purchased by him 30 years ago. Also 56 rods front taken 
up by him. Has an house and barn and 50 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., John Martin, Acadie, purchased of several of 
the children of Zacharie Aiotte, the lot originally deeded by 
the British to 7. Aiotte. Claims 40 rods front, has an house 
and barn and 20 acres cleared. The heirs sold to Francois 
Lisotte 20 rods front of the same lot. 

*See at page 373 ante. The year 1816 was long remembered as "the year without 
a summer." In the month of June there was a succession of very severe frosts. In the 
Madawaska region snow fell on the 7th June, to a depth of nine inches. The spring birds 
from the south were chilled and died in large numbers and crops were everywhere destroyed 
So wide-spread was the distress that the provincial government voted $24,000 out cf its 
limited revenue to purchase seed and provisions. 

fin the grant this name appears as Saussiers. There are many sad mistakes in the 
spelling of names, both in the grants and in the report of Deane and Kavanagh. 


Next, S. B., Francois Lisotte, Madawaska, purchased of 
Francois Lisotte, who held by a deed from the British 20 
rods front. Francois, Sen., had sold to Jean B. Lisotte 30 
rod- front. Francois, Jur., has an house and barn and 20 
acres cleared. Jean B. Lisotte has an house and barn and 
1 8 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Germaine Cyr, Jur., had 30 rods front of his 
father, who purchased of Jean Baptiste Souci, who had a deed 
from the British, has an house and barn, and 20 acres 

Next, S. B., Charles Lisotte, who purchased the other half 
of the above lot of Michel Cyr, the father of Germaine. 
He claims 30 rods front, has an house, barn, blacksmith's shop 
and 40 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Charles Aiott e , who had a deed from the 
British, has sold 30 rods front to Bonaventure Lisotte, and 
still claims 30 rods front, has an house and barn and 40 acres 
cleared, and his son Ignace lives with him. 

Next, S. B., Bonaventure Lisotte, the son of Pierre, 
Madawaska, purchased 30 rods front of Charles Aiotte, and 
30 rods front of his father Pierre, has an house and barn and 
40 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Xavier Martin, Madawaska, son-in-law to 
Phirmain Thibedeau. The lot was deeded by the British to 
Maturin Beaulier and it came to P. Thibedeau through sundry 
mesne conveyances, and Thibedeau gave it to his daughter. 
They have an house, barn, claims 60 rods front and have 60 
acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Francois Thibedeau, Jun., Madawaska, 
originally deeded to Sausfacon, who sold to Phirmain Thibe- 
deau, who gave it to his son Francois. He claims 70 rods front 
has an house, barn, store, and 12 acres cleared. He claims 
also 5 rods front between Pierre Lisotte'sand Joseph Michaud's 
which was purchased of Joseph. 

Next, S. B., Germaine Cyr, Sen., Acadie, lot originally 
deeded to his father by the British, who gave it to him 
by will. He claims 82 rods front, has an house, 2 barns and 
51 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Francois Thibedeau Sen., Acadie, lot deeded 
to him by the British. Claims 60 rods front, has an house, 
barn and 42 acres cleared. He says that he spoke to Gen. 
Irish in 1825 for a lot 60 rods front on the South side of the 
St. John opposite to the Seven Islands, entered upon the lot 
and cleared 5 acres. Jean Marie Parent has intruded upon 


him and has raised a barn this season. He thinks Gen. Irish 
made a memorandum of his request.* 

Next, S. B., Jean Baptiste Souci, Madawaska, purchased 
of his father, Joseph Souci, 120 rods front and of Oliver Souci 
30 rods front 18 or 19 years ago. His father had a deed from 
the British. Has an house, store, 2 barns, a grist-mill on a very 
small stream, 120 acres cleared, and has sown this year 55 
bushels of wheat, oats and peas. He also claims a lot on the 
North bank 20 rods front, which he purchased of Pierre 
Mercure. Also a lot on Madawaska river, 60 rods front 
between Joseph Mercure's and David Mercure's, and has an 
house and some improvements on it. 

Next, S. B., Louis Thibedeau, Madawaska, son of Phirmain 
Thibedeau who purchased of the heirs of Germain Souci, who 
had a deed from the British. Claims 30 rods front, has 3 acres 
cleared, and lives on the North bank next above mouth of 
Green river. 

Next, S. B., Romaine Michaud purchased of Francois 
Gooding. Claims 30 rods front, has an house and barn and 
10 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Baptiste Olivier Thibedeau, who lives on the 
North bank at the mouth of Green river. He purchased of 
Joseph Duplessis, who took up the lot 20 years ago, and has 
4 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., George Thibedeau, Acadie, who lives on the 
North bank, purchased the improvements of Etienne Thibedeau 
Front 60 rods. He has given the lot to his sons Lavrent 
and Michel Thibedeau. Lavrent has an house and is build- 
ing a barn on his part, and Michel is clearing on his part. 

Next, S. B., Xavier Parrault, Canada, purchased of Henri 
Vasseur 2 years ago 20 rods front. Vasseur purchased 14 or 
15 years ago of Guillaume Terrieau, who had marked the 
lot 30 years before. Has a new house and 4 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Henri Vasseur, who lives on the North bank, 
claims 40 rods front, the residue of the aforesaid lot, has a 
barn and 15 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Lavrent Terrieau, Acadie, had it of his father, 
who is supposed to have a deed of it from the British. The 
claim is 120 rods, one half of which the old man is supposed 
to have given his son Thadde Terrieau. The old man lives 
on the North bank. Lavrent is building a barn on the lot 
and has cleared 6 acres. 

*At this point begins the grant made by the Government of New Brunswick in 1794, 
which extends from Green River down the River St. John to Van Beuren, about 8 miles. 


Next, S. B., Francois Michaud, Canada, purchased 2 years 
ago of Phirmain Thibedeau, who had purchased Germain 
Dubez right, who marked the lot 20 years ago. Michaud has 
an house and barn and 4 or 5 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Benoni Terrieau, Madawaska, purchased last 
year of Joseph Sausfacon, 30 rods front. Sausfacon purchased 
of Augustin Gagnier, who purchased of Joseph Lagrasse who 
purchased of Francois Thibedeau, who marked the lot 26 
years ago. Has an house and 3 acres cleared, has a tenant 
on by the name of Joseph Tardif. Terrieau lives on the 
North bank. 

Next, S. B., Joseph Sausfacon, Madawaska, purchased as 
before stated, tracing his claim to Francois Thibedeau, who 
originally marked the lot. He claims 30 rods front, has an 
house and barn and 50 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Pierre Ringuette, Canada, purchased 30 rods 
front, which is derived from Charles Fournier, through sundry 
conveyances, who marked the lot. He lives below on the 
South bank, has no buildings and has 17 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Phirmain Thibedeau Jun., Madawaska, pur- 
chased 30 rods front of the lot last aforesaid originally marked 
by Charles Fournier, has an house, 2 barns, and 10 acres 

Next, S. B., Paul Cyr, Madawaska, son-in-law of Phirmain 
Thibedeau, who gave the possession to his daughter. Phirmain 
purchased of Touissaint Thibedeau, who marked it more 
than 30 years ago. Paul Cyr, in right of his wife, claims 
60 rods front, has an house, barn and stable, and 15 acres 

Next, S. B., Paul Thibedeau, Acadie, began on the lot 
30 years ago, has an house and barn and 50 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Gregoire Thibedeau, Acadie, deeded him by 
the British. Claims 60 rods front, has an house and barn, 
and 40 or 50 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Jean Baptiste Vasseur, Madawaska, purchased 
and through several conveyances it came to him from Louis 
LeBfond, who had a deed of it from the British. Vasseur 
claims 60 rods front, and has an house and barn and 50 acres 

Next, S. B., Paul Thibedeau purchased and it came to him 
through sundry conveyances from Louis LeBlond. 

Next, S. B., Augustin Violette, Acadie, purchased of 
Olivier Thibedeau, who purchased of Francois Cormier, who 
is dead, but is supposed to have begun on the lot under a 
deed from the British. Violette claims 40 rods front, has an 
house and 50 acres cleared 


Next, S. B., Julien Thibedeau, Madawaska, had the lot 
of his father Olivier Thibedeau, supposed to have been deeded 
to him by the British. Julien claims 40 rods front, has an 
house, and 50 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., the heirs of Francois Cormier. The oldest 
son of Francois Cormier is in possession. They claim 30 
rods front, have an house and barn and 30 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Benjamin Thibedeau, who lives 20 rods below, 
claims 20 rods front in right of his wife, who was the daughter 
of Alexis Cormier. He has 24 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Henri Souci, who lives on the North bank. 
He purchased of Alexandre Aiotte, who married a daughter 
of Alexis Cormier and had it through him. 20 rods front, 
has a barn, and 30 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Benjamin Thibedeau, homestead, he purchased 
of Phirmain Thibedeau, who purchased of Alexis Boniface, who 
had married a daughter of Alexis Cormier. Claims 20 rods 
front, has an house and barn and 24 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Pierre Cormier, Acadie, began on the lot more 
than 30 years ago, is supposed to have a deed from the 
British. Claims 60 rods front, has an house and barn and 50 
acres cleared. 

Next, S B., Edouard LeBlanc, Acadie, who married the 
widow of Simon Terrieau, who purchased of Simon Terrieau, 
who marked the lot more than 25 years ago. Claims 60 
rods front, has an house and barn and 25 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Frederic Terrieau, Canada, purchased of his 
brother Germain Terrieau, who marked the lot 25 years ago. 
Claims 60 rods front, has an house, barn, stable and 40 acres 

Next, S. B., Francis Cormier took up the lot 30 years ago. 
Claims 120 rods front, barn and 60 acres cleared. Cormier 
died last spring. He sold to Phirmain Thibedeau a mill 
privilege, who has a grist and saw-mill on it. Privilege as 
poor as all are below Baker's, except at the mouth of the 
Madawaska river, which is unoccupied. 

Next, S. B., Samuel Romain Dendric, Bay of Chaleur, came 
3 years ago, and purchased of Francois Cormier, who died last 
spring. 60 rods front and 665 rods back by deed, and paid 
$600. The lot had been marked 10 or 12 years before, but 
had been vacant, and was in bushes at the time. Has an 
house, barn and 40 acres cleared. He claims also in the same 
purchase 12 acres or 2 lots on the Grand Isle. He also says 
that his son Samuel Dendric, purchased the lot above his and 
next to Thibedeau 's mill of Francois Cormier, and claims 60 


rods front and back far enough to make 200 acres. He 
paid Cormier $50 and has a deed. Has cleared 8 acres and 
is preparing to build. 

Next, S. B., Cyprian Cormier, Madawaska, derived through 
his father, Francois Cormier. Claims 60 rods front, has an 
house and barn and 15 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Damien Cormier, Madawaska, derived through 
his father Francois Cormier. Claims 60 rods front, has an 
house, is building a barn and has 8 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Henri Souci, who lives on the North side. 
He claims the possession by purchase. Front 60 rods and 
has 12 or 14 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., the widow of Simon Thibedeau. He left 
5 children, who, with their mother, live on the lot. They 
claim 60 rods front have an house and barn and 50 acres 

Next, S. B., Larion Violette, Madawaska, purchased 35 
rods front of Simon Thibedeau by giving him a farm above. 
He holds, in right of his wife, 75 rods front, which was taken 
up by Pierre Vasseur, her late husband, who left one son Jean 
Baptiste Vasseur, who is 18 years old. They have an house, 
barn and 50 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Benoni Bernabe, who lives on the North bank, 
claims a lot. 

Next, S. B., Louis Bellefleure claims a lot. See description 

Next, S. B., we suppose there is a lot of which we did not 
obtain a particular account. 

We arrived at David Cyr's, a publican, where we put up 
for the night. 

Tuesday, Aug. 2, 1831. After urging all we could, we 
got our breakfast between 8 and 9 o'clock. We could not 
eat much, our tea was weak, pork rancid, and bread middling 
good. Travellers, if they consult their comfort, will not 
trouble this house; although the keeper of the house has the 
reputation of being rich. We saw his possession and counted 
24 hogs. David Cyr was absent and his wife was grouty, 
and from all we could see, they were better pleased with the 
British than with the Americans. A school is kept here, but 
is under such regulations, as to be of no use excepting to Cyr's 
children. We obtained no account of his claims. 

Next, S. B., Germain D'Aigle, son of Jean Baptiste D'Aigle 
Madawaska. Claims 60 rods front, is building an house and 
has 12 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., David Cyr purchased a possession of one 


Next, S. B., Jean Parent, Canada, purchased 4 years ago 
of Olivier Thibedeau and paid him $30. Thibedeau purchased 
of one Legasse, but Parent does not know who first marked 
the lot. He claims 70 or SO rods front, has an house, barn 
and 30 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Etienne Parent, Canada, began on the lot 
4 years ago, claims 90 or 100 rods front, has an house, barn 
and 30 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Gabriel Parent, Canada, began on the lot 
4 years ago, claims 90 or 100 rods front, has an house, barn 
and 30 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Alexandre Violette, Madawaska, claims 90 
rods front next to Gabriel Parent's, took up, as he says, 30 
rods of it 12 years ago, and 60 rods of it was taken up 12 
years ago by Germain Peltier, and sold by his father Nicholas 
to Violette, for which he paid $20. Violette says 10 acres 
are cleared, but we could not see much clearing. 

Next. S. B., Etienne Parent, Canada, bought the possession 
of Anselm Francoeur, who marked the lot 3 years ago. Claims 
40 rods front, 2 acres have been chopped down, but none 

Next, S. B., Francois Parent, son of Gabriel began on the 
lot 3 years ago, claims 50 rods front, has cut down 5 acres 
and planted 2. 

Next, S. B., Jean Parent, son of Gabriel, began on the lot 
4 years ago. Claims 60 rods front, has a barn and 3 or 4 acres 
cleared and in grass. 

Next, S. B., Jean Baptiste Olivier Thibedeau, son of Olivier 
Thibedeau. Louis Legasse marked the lot 13 or 14 years 
ago, and sold it to Jean Marie Cyr, whose widow sold it to 
J. B. O. Thibedeau. No one ever lived on it. About one 
acre was cut down, but is now in bushes. He claims 60 
rods front and also an Island in front, which is in grass. 

Next, South bank, Alexandre Violette purchased of Justin 
Pelletier, who marked it 12 or 13 years before. Claims 60 
rods front, 12 acres are chopped down and some cleared. 

Alexandre Violette lives on the next lot, which he began 
on 21 years ago. Claims 90 rods front, built on it 18 years 
ago, and has 50 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Dominique Violette, Madawaska, purchased 
of Joseph Mercure, 12 years ago, who had marked the lot 60 
rods front. He also began on the adjoining lot 27 years ago. 
Claims 60 rods front, has an house, barn, and 70 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Jean Baptiste Violette, Madawaska, his 
father and mother are dead, and he lives on the lot they 


occupied. Benoni Violette, his father, began on the lot 25 
wars ago. Front 60 rods. There is ai house, barn and 
L8 acres cleared, and Jean is the only surviving child. 

Next, S. B., Isaac Violette, Madawaska, began on the lot 
5 years ago. Claims 60 rods front, and has 25 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Richard Violette, Madawaska, began on the 
lot 4 years ago. Claims 60 rods front, has 6 acres cleared. 
He lives up the river. 

It had rained the whole morning, and after we arrived at 
Alexandre Violette's, we remained there the residue of the day, 
where we were kindly entertained, much better than we had 
been at the public house kept by David Cyr. 

Wednesday, Aug. 3, 1831. The rain continued. 

Next, S. B., to Richard Violette's is Jean Parent; began 
on the lot this year. Claims 40 rods front, and has sown 
about 3 bushels of grain. 

Next, S. B., Henri Cyr, Madawaska, purchased of Celestin 
Souci last fall by deed and paid $50. Souci purchased of 
Joseph Cyr, who had a deed of it from the British. Front 
60 rods, 12 acres cleared. The buildings have decayed. 

Next, S. B., Henri Cyr's homestead. He inherited two 
shares and purchased one of his brother-in-law, Joseph Cyr by 
deed. Front 50 rods. He has an house, barn, and 30 acres 

Next,. S. B., Thomas Cyr, Madawaska, improves the lot, 
which is claimed by the heir of Jean Marie, who left 9 children. 
Thomas Cyr married the widow. The lot was deeded by the 
British. Front 60 rods, and 40 acres cleared. Thomas Cyr 
lives on the North side of the St. John. 

Next, S. B,. Jacques Violette, Madawaska, claims the lot 
which was deeded to Francois Violette, who is dead. He 
gave it to Augustin Violette, who gave it to Jacques. He 
claims 120 rods front, has an house and barn and 10 acres 

Next, S. B., Augustin Violette, Madawaska, given him by 
his father, Joseph Violette. 10 rods front, no buildings. 

Next, S. B., Celeste Violette, Madawaska, son of Joseph, 
given him by his father; 10 rods front, 10 acres cleared, but 
no buildings. 

Next, S. B., Augustin Violette, who lives on the North 
bank near the church, claims 90 rods front, which he inherited 
from his father, has a barn and 30 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Phirmain Nadeau, Canada, began on the lot 
15 years ago, claims 60 rods front, has an house and barn and 
9 acres cleared. 


Next, S. B., Chapel in the Parish of St. Bruneau,* and lot 
30 rods front purchased of Eli Thibedeau, who lives on the 
North bank. The lot was taken up by Francois Violette. 
Clement Cyr drove him off and sold to Thibedeau. 

Next, S. B., Cyprian Grace, Irish, began 5 years ago, 
claims 40 or 60 rods front. Has 4 acres cleared, no buildings 
and lives on the North bank. 

Next, S. B., Isidore Dubez, Madawaska, procured the lot 
by exchange with Abraham Chappe, who purchased of Joseph 
Gooding a few years ago. Claims 30 rods front, has an house 
and hovel and 10 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Dedie Morin, Canada, purchased of Francois 
Thibedeau, who purchased the crops and possession of Augustin 
Dubez 6 or 7 years ago. Claims 40 rods front, no buildings, 
and the land which was cleared is now pasturage and bushes. 
He lives on the North bank. 

Next, S. B., Phirmain Nadeau, Canada, purchsed of Henri 
Tardif, who purchased of Augustin Dubez, who marked it 
10 years ago. Claims 60 rods front, has no buildings, and 
12 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Germain Dubez, Canada, purchased a part 
of Henri Tardif 10 years ago, little had been cut down but 
none planted. Claims 40 rods front, has an house and barn, 
and 10 or 12 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., William McRea, Irish, and John Keaton, N. 
Scotia, exchanged a farm for it on the Aroostook with George 
Manser, who purchased of Abraham Dubez, who had marked 
it, and there was some cleared when they came on it in Feb. 
1828. They claim 40 rods front, have an house, distil-house, 
and malt-house, and 30 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Francois Violette, Acadie, marked the lot 30 
years ago, and began to improve it 4 years ago, built an 
house, barn and grist-mill, and moved on 3 years ago. He says 
his father, Francois Violette, built a millf on the same place 
40 years ago, which has been long since worn out, and gave 
him his right. He also claims a lot on the North bank of 
the St. John on the both sides of the mouth of Grand river, 
by a deed from the British, dated May 16th, 1826; 90 rods 
front and containing 300 acres with an allowance of 10 per 
cent for roads. Two of his sons have an house and live on 
the lot. 

Next, S. B., Michael Farrell, Irish, purchased of Joseph 
Sausfacon 10 years ago. Then only a few bushes were cut, 

*This is at Van Buren, Maine. 

fThe stream on which this mill was built is still known as Violet Brook. 


and paid him $8.00. Claims 80 rods front, has an house and 
barn and 50 acres poorly cleared. 

Next, S. B.,, Dennis Douglass, who went away 6 years 
ago, and put the possession into the hands of Farrell. The 
claim is 60 rods front. 

Next, S. B., Forest for 80 or 100 rods. 

Next, S. B., James Hagan, Irish, began on the lot within 
3 or 4 years. Claims 60 rods front, has a new house, and 
8 or 10 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Louis Violette, Madawaska, son of Francois 
Yiolette; began a few years ago. Claims 60 rods front, has 
a new house, and barn and 10 or 12 acres cleared. This lot 
adjoins a small stream coming from the South. Louis was 
not at home, but was said to be at work on our Military road 
near the forks of the Madawumkeag. 

Next, S. B., Michel Thibedeau, Madawaska. Toussaint 
Thibedeau, the father of Michel began on the lot 13 years ago, 
and lived there until his discease, leaving his children there. 
Michel has supported his brothers and sisters until they have 
become of age, when they have left. Some of them with his 
mother are with him. He claims 90 rods front, has an house 
and barn and 30 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Leonard Coombs,* New Brunswick, who has 
come from the Province within 2 years, holds a commision 
under the British, and is anxious and zealous in his support 
of their usurpations, and lives a little above on the North 
bank, claims the possession. Coombs purchased a part of 
Michel Thibedeau and a part of Louis Ouellette, who lives 
next above him. Louis Ouellette marked the lot 17 years ago. 
Coombs paid him $120. and other $180. and has their deeds. 
He claims 70 rods front, has no buildings, and 16 acres cleared 

Next, S. B., Joseph Ouellette, Madawaska, began 6 or 7 
years ago. Claims 60 rods front, has an house and barn and 
15 or 16 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Benoni Nadeau, Madawaska, began 3 years 
ago. Claims 60 rods front, has an house and 6 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Edouard Duplessis, Madawaska, began 6 
years ago. Claims 60 rods front, has an house and 10 acres 

Next, S. B., Michel Duplessis, Canada, began on the lot 
7 years ago. Claims 120 rods front, has an house and barn and 
20 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Jean Baptiste Govain, Canada, marked the lot 

"See page 359, ante. 


last fall, and claims 60 rods front. He lives on the North bank, 
where he has a farm, and has been in the country 20 years. 

Next, S. B., Abraham Giraud, Canada, began on the lot 
3 years ago. Claims 60 rods front, has an house and barn and 
10 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Germain Nadeau, Canada, David Mercure 
began on the lot 6 years ago, and sold to him. Claims 90 
rods front, has an house and 16 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Gabriel Moreau, Canada, purchased of Joseph 
Mercure, who marked it 7 years ago. Claims 60 rods front, 
has an house and barn and 15 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Michel Remont, Canada, began 4 years ago. 
Claims 60 rods front, and has 12 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Olivier Cormier, Acadie, purchased of Jean 
Marie Ouellette, who marked it 8 years ago. Claims 120 
rods front, has an house and barn and 30 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Jean Bourgoyne, Acadie, began on the lot 
6 years ago. Claims 60 rods front, has an house and barn 
and 16 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Moyse Bourgoyne, Acadie, purchased of 
Jeremie Tardif, who purchased of Elie Thibedeau, whose 
wife's son had marked the lot 7 years ago. Tardif planted 
year before last, and Bourgoyne went on last summer, claims 
60 rods front, has an house and 12 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Alexandre Aiotte, Madawaska, purchased 
of Joseph Sausfacon, who marked the lot 7 years ago. Aiotte 
moved on one year last fall, claims 100 rods front, has an 
house and barn and 25 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Samuel and Raphael Christopher, Bay of 
Chaleur, began 7 years ago. Claims 70 rods front, have two 
houses and a barn and 40 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Augustin Violette, Madawaska, marked the 
lot 4 or 5 years ago, cut down some, but none is cleared. 
Front 60 rods. 

Next, S. B., Isaac Michaud, Acadie, purchased from one 
Fitzgerald, who purchased of Joseph Violette, who marked the 
lot 7 years ago. Claims 60 rods front, has an house and 12 
acres cleared. He moved on the lot last year. 

Next, South bank, Augustin Dubez, Madawaska, purchased 
of Zebedee Squires and moved on 4 or 5 years ago. Squires 
had cut down a few bushes. Dubez claims 60 rods front, 
has an house and barn and 10 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Samuel and Raphael Christopher claim the 
possession. A brother of theirs began on it 4 or 5 years ago, 


and was drowned, leaving no children. Claims 60 rods front, 
a new house, and 12 acres cleared.* 

Next, S. B., John Emerson, English, began 3 years ago. 
Claims 60 rods front, has an house and 30 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., Francois Roi or King. He lives in New 
Brunswick, but intends moving there. He purchased of 
Louis Lapoint, who began 5 years ago and cleared 2 acres. 
Claims 60 rods front, and has 4 or 5 acres cleared, but no 

Next, S. B., John Emerson and his brothers cut down some 
last season. 

Next, S. B., Zebedee Squires began and has cleared 4 acres 
and is building an house. 

Next, S. B., Thomas Nugent, Irish, began 4 years ago and 
purchased an adjoining possession of James Malone, who 
began 4 years ago, and has purchased another possession of 
William Cartwell, on which Cartwell began 3 years ago. He 
claims 60 rods front in his own right, 60 in the right of 
Malone and 40 in the right of Cartwell. On the 2 upper lots 
the improvements are small. He has an house and barn and 
20 acres cleared. 

Next, S. B., a small cutting made last year, merely a 
possessory marking. 

Next, S. B., a small cutting made this season by one 

Next, S. B., Edward O'Neal, Irish, who lives opposite 
North bank, began 4 years ago, and says he cuts 10 tons of 
hay, claims 60 rods front. A stream comes in here, which 
he says is sufficient for a mill. 

Next, S. B., A possession, claimant unknown, in bus